#VanPoli | Vancouver Needs a Ward System: Democracy Begins Where People Live

Vancouver Liberals Mayoral candidate Kareem Allam’s proposal to place a plebiscite before voters in the 2030 Vancouver municipal election asking voters / Vancouver residents — should he become Mayor on October 17 2026 — whether they would like to see the adoption of a “ward” system / that is, elect a Councillor to represent their neighbourhood or geographic area, rather than electing 10 City Councillors at-large, deserves more than a passing mention in the 2026 Vancouver municipal campaign.

This issue goes to the heart of what democracy at the municipal level is supposed to accomplish: Is a Councillor primarily accountable to an entire city, or should there be a Councillor whose first responsibility is to the people and neighbourhoods of a particular part of that city?


Kareem Allam, the Vancouver Liberals’ Mayoral candidate, has proposed establishing a Citizens’ Assembly to examine the adoption of a ward system in Vancouver.

The assembly would make recommendations and develop the question that could go before voters in 2030, with a ward system potentially taking effect for the 2034 civic election. The Vancouver Liberals say the present at-large system makes campaigns expensive and can leave neighbourhoods without direct representation.

Wards / geographic neighbourhood representation is an idea whose time has come.

Vancouver Needs a Ward System: Democracy Begins Where People Live

Vancouver is an extraordinary city, but electing City Councillors at-large is an anachronism.

Today, Vancouverites elect the Mayor and 10 Councillors at-large.

Every voter can vote for every Councillor, and every Councillor is theoretically responsible for every resident of the city.

On paper, that sounds wonderfully democratic.

In practice, it can mean the opposite.

When everyone represents everyone, no one necessarily represents you.

That is the fundamental weakness of Vancouver’s at-large electoral system.

Imagine a resident in Killarney confronting a serious neighbourhood issue: a proposed development, traffic problems, inadequate pedestrian infrastructure, a community facility under threat or a local planning decision. Under the current system, that resident has 10 Councillors to whom she or he can appeal — and, paradoxically, no single Councillor whose political job is to be that neighbourhood’s representative.

Under a ward system, there would be one.

That distinction matters.

A Councillor Who Knows, Lives In and Cares About Your Neighbourhood

In the heart of the city, Vancouver’s Mount Pleasant neighbourhood, looking north towards the mountains

Consider what happens in federal and provincial politics.

If you have a problem with a federal matter, you know who your Member of Parliament is.

If you have a provincial concern, you know who your MLA is.

You may not agree with that person politically. You may never have voted for them. But you know that person is your representative.

There is a geographical relationship between citizen and elected official.

Municipal government should work the same way.

A Councillor representing, for example, a ward encompassing Hastings-Sunrise and Renfrew-Collingwood would have an obvious political responsibility to understand those communities: their transportation problems, housing pressures, parks, schools, businesses, community centres, development proposals and neighbourhood concerns.

That Councillor could hold regular constituency meetings, maintain an office, attend community-association meetings and become known to the people who live there.

Most importantly, residents would know exactly who to call.

That is accountability.

Vancouver is The Outlier: Every Other Major City in Canada Has Wards

Located in the NE part of Vancouver, the Killarney neighbourhood where ABC Councillor Mike Klassen grew up

The argument for a ward system is strengthened by looking beyond Vancouver.

Toronto elects 25 ward Councillors, with the Mayor elected city-wide.

Edmonton has 12 wards and one Councillor per ward. Winnipeg has 15 wards, again with one Councillor representing each. Ottawa has 24 wards, with one Councillor elected from each and the Mayor elected at-large.

These are not small communities experimenting with an untested democratic theory. They are some of Canada’s largest municipalities.

And the principle is straightforward: the Mayor represents the entire city; Councillors represent both their communities and the city as a whole.

That is precisely the model Vancouver should consider.

It is worth correcting one point, however. It would be inaccurate to say that British Columbia is literally the only Canadian province in which large municipalities lack ward systems. Canadian provincial legislation permits different electoral arrangements, and some municipalities outside B.C. also use at-large or hybrid systems.

But Vancouver is unquestionably unusual among Canada’s major cities in continuing to elect its entire Council at-large.

And there is no compelling reason why Vancouver should remain an exception.

The At-large Election System Favours The City-Wide Political Machine

The almost always sunny Vancouver Point Grey neighbourhood, located in the western part of the city

There is another argument for wards that should not be ignored: money.

Running for one of 10 city-wide Council positions is enormously different from campaigning in a defined geographical constituency.

An at-large candidate must communicate with hundreds of thousands of voters across Vancouver. That requires money, organization, name recognition, volunteers and often the support of a political party or electoral slate.

A ward campaign would be different.

A candidate could concentrate on 50,000 or 60,000 residents rather than the entire city.

That opens the door to people who do not have the financial resources, political connections or city-wide name recognition required to mount an effective at-large campaign.

It could make civic politics more accessible to community activists, small-business owners, renters, neighbourhood advocates, younger candidates and people who have spent years working in their communities but have never contemplated a city-wide campaign.

In that respect, wards could actually democratize Vancouver politics.

Every Vancouver Councillor Must Have a Neighbourhood Constituency

Vancouver’s east side Grandview-Woodland neighbourhood, home to a thriving retail Commercial Drive

Critics of ward systems argue that Councillors should think about the entire city.

Of course they should.

A ward Councillor would still vote on the city budget, transportation policy, housing, policing, parks, taxation, climate policy and every other issue before Council.

But representing a ward does not mean abandoning the city.

It means bringing a particular community’s perspective into the debate.

Indeed, a Council composed of geographically accountable representatives could arguably produce better city-wide decisions, because Councillors would arrive at the table with a deeper understanding of the communities affected by those decisions.

Vancouver is not one homogeneous city.

The concerns of Downtown are not identical to those of Kerrisdale.

Killarney is not Kitsilano.

Marpole is not Mount Pleasant.

Renfrew-Collingwood is not the West End.

That diversity should be reflected in the composition of City Council.

Elect a Mayor At-Large + 10 Councillors Representing Wards Makes Sense

Osler Street in the Shaughnessy neighbourhood, Vancouver’s richest and most well-heeled neighbourhood

Kareem Allam has not proposed simply drawing 10 arbitrary lines across Vancouver. His proposal is to establish a Citizens’ Assembly that would examine the question and make recommendations.

That is precisely the right approach.

The neighbourhood groupings suggested for discussion provide a starting point:

  • Hastings-Sunrise / Renfrew-Collingwood
  • Grandview-Woodland / Kensington-Cedar Cottage
  • Riley Park / Mount Pleasant
  • Chinatown / Strathcona / Downtown / West End
  • Fairview / Kitsilano
  • Point Grey / Dunbar-Southlands
  • Arbutus Ridge / Shaughnessy
  • South Cambie / Oakridge
  • Kerrisdale / Marpole
  • Sunset / Victoria-Fraserview / Killarney

These should not be treated as predetermined boundaries. Population equality, communities of interest, natural boundaries, transportation patterns, neighbourhood identities and future population growth would all have to be considered.

Toronto’s ward-boundary process, for example, explicitly considered population equality, communities of interest, neighbourhoods, history and physical or natural features.

That is precisely the kind of independent, evidence-based process Vancouver needs.

Creating a Citizens’ Assembly is Critical to Adopting a Ward System

Vancouver’s West End neighbourhood, incorporating towers, tennis courts, English Bay and Stanley Park

The beauty of Kareem Allam’s proposal is that he is not saying: Elect me and I will impose 10 wards.

He is saying: let Vancouverites study the question first.

That distinction matters.

A Citizens’ Assembly could hear from constitutional and municipal-government experts, community associations, Indigenous representatives, political scientists, former Councillors, election administrators and ordinary residents.

It could examine ward sizes, boundaries, the number of Councillors, campaign financing, representation of renters and homeowners, population growth and whether a hybrid system might work better than a pure ward system.

Then, in 2030, Vancouverites could decide.

That gives the proposal democratic legitimacy.

Electing  Vancouver’s Mayor Through The At-Large System Should Remain

Vancouver’s welcoming, family friendly east side Riley Park neighbourhood, bounded by 16th Avenue to the north, 41st Avenue to the south, Cambie Street to the west, and Fraser Street to the east

There is a strong argument for retaining a city-wide Mayor.

The Mayor is the one elected official whose mandate should encompass the entire city.

The Councillor’s job is different.

The Mayor should speak for Vancouver.

The Councillor should speak for Vancouver, and for their respective neighbourhoods.

That creates a healthy balance between city-wide leadership and local accountability.

It is already the model used in Edmonton and Ottawa, among other cities. Edmonton explicitly describes its system this way: the Mayor is elected by all Edmontonians, while Councillors are elected by voters in their individual wards.

Why shouldn’t Vancouver do the same?

Changing the Vancouver Charter: The Province Can Accommodate Wards

Vancouver’s east side Victoria-Fraserview neighbourhood, current home to ABC Councillor Mike Klassen and the love of his life, Stacey, Mike’s lovely bride, who together celebrated 28 years of marriage in July

There is an important misconception about this debate.

The Vancouver Charter already contemplates Councillors being elected on a neighbourhood-constituency basis.

Section 138 currently provides that Councillors are elected at-large unless Council adopts a by-law establishing neighbourhood constituencies. Such a by-law must receive approval from the Lieutenant Governor in Council before it can take effect.

In other words, the idea of geographically based representation is not foreign to Vancouver’s governing legislation.

The Province ultimately has the authority to approve the change.

The Vancouver Charter is provincial legislation, and the Province describes it as the statute that governs Vancouver’s structure, elections and principal municipal powers.

So, Kareem Allam’s proposal would ultimately require co-operation between Vancouver and Victoria.

That is entirely appropriate.

A Better, More Representative Democracy in Vancouver is Worth Pursuing

Dunbar, one of Vancouver’s oldest west side neighbourhoods, adjacent to the University of British Columbia

There is no electoral system that guarantees perfect representation.

Ward Councillors can become overly parochial. They can favour their own neighbourhood at the expense of the wider city. Boundary-drawing can become contentious. Population changes can make wards unequal unless boundaries are periodically reviewed.

These are arguments for designing a good ward system — not preserving a flawed one.

Toronto has undertaken independent ward reviews specifically because population growth can make some wards substantially larger than others.

Vancouver can learn from Toronto, Ottawa, Edmonton, Winnipeg and other municipalities.

The central question is remarkably simple:

When a Vancouver resident has a problem with City Hall, a citizen should be able to look at a map, identify their Councillor and say, “That’s my representative”?

The Sunset and Marpole neighbourhoods of Vancouver, the Sunset neighbourhood home to Vancouver’s thriving Indo-Canadian population, Marpole bounded by the Fraser River, British Columbia’s longest river, to the south

The answer should be yes.

For too long, Vancouver has treated city-wide elections as synonymous with democracy.

But democracy is not merely the ability to vote for 10 Councillors.

Democracy is also representation, accessibility, accountability and proximity.

A ward system would bring City Hall closer to the people it serves.

It would give neighbourhoods a recognizable voice.

It could lower the barriers to entering municipal politics.

It could make Councillors more accountable to their constituents.

And it could ensure when a resident knocks on the door of City Hall, there is a Councillor whose political responsibility begins with the community where s/he lives.

Kareem Allam is right to put the question on the table.

The final decision should not belong to Kareem Allam, COPE, OneCity, ABC, TEAM, Vote Vancouver, the Greens, the Vancouver Liberals or any other political organization.

The decision on whether to adopt a ward system must belong to Vancouver’s citizens.

Let the Citizens’ Assembly do its work. Let the experts and residents debate the alternatives. Draw fair and transparent boundaries. And then let Vancouverites vote.

If, in 2030, the people of Vancouver decide that they want Councillors who actually represent where they live, then the 2034 election should mark the beginning of a new era in Vancouver democracy.

The city should elect its Mayor at-large. But those of us who live in one of Vancouver’s 23 neighbourhoods deserve Councillors of our own to represent our voices at City Hall.

The Road to the Oscars Begins: Film Festivals That Shape the Awards Season

Each September, the road to the Academy Awards begins in earnest.

Before critics’ prizes are handed out, before guilds weigh in, and long before Oscar nominations are announced, four of the world’s most influential film festivals — Telluride, Venice, Toronto and New York — introduce audiences to the films, performances and filmmakers that will dominate awards season.

In a typical year, roughly 80 per cent of eventual Best Picture nominees screen at one or more of these festivals.

The first stop is the 53rd Telluride Film Festival, held high in the San Juan Mountains of Colorado over the Labour Day weekend, from September 4 to 7.

Telluride remains the most mysterious of the major festivals. Organizers refuse to announce the programme in advance, unveiling approximately 40 films only as attendees arrive in the picturesque mountain town.

That secrecy has become part of Telluride’s appeal.

Festival-goers routinely discover surprise screenings of films that go on to become major Oscar contenders. This year’s Guest Director is acclaimed British-American actress and filmmaker Rebecca Hall, who has curated a special programme celebrating overlooked classics and significant works from cinema history.

Alongside anticipated North American premières of prize winners from Cannes and Berlin, cinephiles will once again be searching for the festival’s inevitable “discovery”— the film nobody was expecting that suddenly becomes an awards frontrunner.

Almost simultaneously, attention shifts across the Atlantic to the 83rd Venice International Film Festival, running September 2–12 under the artistic direction of Alberto Barbera.

The world’s oldest film festival remains its most glamorous.

Every year the Lido becomes a showcase where international stars arrive by water taxi against the backdrop of the Venetian lagoon, while photographers line the red carpet awaiting the next iconic image.

Yet beneath the glamour lies one of cinema’s most important launching pads. Recent Golden Lion winners and Venice premières have gone on to claim Best Picture and Best Director Oscars with remarkable regularity.

This year’s Venice Biennale competition is especially rich.

Among the most anticipated films are Martin McDonagh’s 1970s-set black comedy Wild Horse Nine — which, by the way, is the Closing Gala film this year at the 45th annual Vancouver International Film Festival — starring John Malkovich and Sam Rockwell; Florian Zeller’s marital drama Bunker, featuring Penélope Cruz and Javier Bardem; Werner Herzog’s long-awaited, Bucking Fastard, starring sisters Kate and Rooney Mara; Casey Affleck’s directorial effort, Company; Andrea Pallaoro’s The Echo Chamber, with Alicia Vikander and Susan Sarandon; Lance Oppenheim’s Primetime, starring Robert Pattinson; and highly anticipated new works from Lee Chang-dong and Hirokazu Kore-eda.

Venice’s red carpets will be equally crowded with Dakota Johnson, Pamela Anderson, Claire Foy, Orlando Bloom, Paul Dano, Parker Posey, Stephen Graham and Phoebe Bridgers, making her formal acting début in A24’s Primetime.

Noel and Liam Gallagher are also expected to reunite publicly while promoting the Oasis documentary, Don’t Look Back in Anger.

The festival’s combination of artistic prestige and celebrity spectacle makes Venice one of the defining events of the international film calendar.

North America’s largest public film festival follows immediately afterward.

The 51st Toronto International Film Festival (TIFF) runs September 10–20 and remains the industry’s première North American launching pad for prestige cinema.

TIFF opens with Sian Heder’s Being Heumann and closes with Yan Lanouette Turgeon’s Villeneuve: The Rise of a Legend. Unlike Telluride’s exclusivity, Toronto welcomes hundreds of thousands of moviegoers, creating an atmosphere unlike any other festival.

Audience enthusiasm frequently helps propel films into the awards conversation, with the festival’s coveted People’s Choice Award having become one of the strongest predictors of eventual Oscar success.

This year’s lineup includes new films from celebrated auteurs Mike Leigh (Tender Loving Care), Takashi Miike (Bad Lieutenant: Tokyo), Anton Corbijn (A Talent for Murder), Lee Chang-dong (Possible Love), Andrew Haigh (A Long Winter), Jesse Eisenberg (The Debut), James Gray (Paper Tiger), Chris Rock (Misty Green) and Rebel Wilson (Girl Group).

TIFF will also showcase an impressive slate of Canadian productions, continuing its long-standing commitment to homegrown filmmaking, while serving as an international marketplace where distributors search for the season’s breakout hits.

The final major stop on the autumn festival circuit is the 64th New York Film Festival, presented by Film at Lincoln Center from September 25 through October 12.

Unlike Toronto, New York rarely emphasizes world premières. Instead, it curates what its programmers believe represents the very finest cinema of the year, drawing acclaimed selections from Cannes, Berlin, Venice, Telluride and Toronto into one strong Main Slate. For many cinephiles, NYFF offers the year’s most rigorously curated programme.

The festival’s Centerpiece Gala will be the world première of Tony Gilroy’s Behemoth!, starring Pedro Pascal, while Ava DuVernay’s documentary 14th, a follow-up to her Oscar-nominated 13th, will close the festival.

Rumoured selections include new films from Pedro Almodóvar, Ryusuke Hamaguchi, Paweł Pawlikowski, Radu Jude, Takashi Yamazaki and Ira Sachs.

“The festival’s ambition is to reflect the state of cinema in a given year, which often means also reflecting the state of the world,” says New York Film Festival artistic director Dennis Lim. “The most notable thing about the films in the Main Slate is the degree to which they emphasize cinema’s relationship to reality.”

By the time New York concludes in mid-October, the contours of the Oscar race will largely have been established. Critics will have identified the year’s breakthrough performances, studios will begin refining their awards campaigns, and cinephiles will already be debating which films deserve Academy recognition.

For Vancouver audiences, the excitement will not end there.

Many of the year’s most acclaimed festival selections are expected to, and will, screen at the 45th Vancouver International Film Festival, running October 1–11, giving local movie lovers an opportunity to see many of the season’s most celebrated films months before Oscar nominations are announced.

Announced on August 26th at this year’s VIFF Media LaunchVIFF programmers have curated perhaps the strongest array of films at VIFF in many, many years, including the Opening Gala film: Jesse Eisenberg’s The Debut, starring Julianne Moore and Paul Giamatti.

Also débuting: Cannes winners Fjord, La Bola Negra, and audience favourite, Club Kid, and so very much more.

Plus: Minotaur, The Only Living Pickpocket in New York, and Mike Leigh’s final film, Tender Loving Care.

The 45th Vancouver International Film Festival Programme Guide is already online, ready for you to begin purchasing your tickets — or pass — to this year’s festival.

Purchase tickets or a pass to #VIFF 2026 by clicking here.

Each Friday throughout September, VanRamblings will publish a VIFF Insight column in the hopes of preparing you for VIFF 45.

Come October, once the festival is fully underway, VanRamblings will provide coverage each of the two first weekends — given that Monday through Thursday, we’ll be providing in-depth coverage of this year’s Vancouver municipal election —  with VIFF coverage each Friday, Saturday and Sunday in early October, on October 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 9th, 10th, and the final day of this year’s festival, Thanksgiving Monday, October 11th.

For anyone who loves cinema, September is far more than the beginning of awards season.

September announces the annual celebration of the art of filmmaking itself — the moment when the world’s greatest directors, actors and storytellers unveil the films that will shape conversations for the year ahead.

Cruelty vs. Kindness: The Moral Choice at the Heart of Vancouver Civic Politics

Politics is often described as a contest for power: elections are won, governments formed, policies imposed and opponents defeated.

But beneath all the arguments about taxes, housing, policing, healthcare and the economy lies a more fundamental question — what kind of society do we want to create, and how do we treat one another while creating it?

That question has become increasingly urgent.

In an era when political discourse is dominated by divisiveness, hostility, anger and polarization, kindness can seem almost quaint. In the rough-and-tumble world of modern politics, kindness is sometimes dismissed as weakness, naiveté or an unwillingness to confront difficult realities.

But perhaps we have the question backwards.

If the foundational purpose of politics is the organization of society for the common good, then kindness is not an indulgence. It is a practical and necessary political value. It asks a fundamental question of every government and every politician: What kind of society are we trying to create, how do we treat people who have the least power within it?

Cruelty and kindness are two opposing choices in human behaviour.

Under King Sim The-Not-So-Great, A Culture of Cruelty Has Reigned

There is at the heart of the Sim administration a Trump-like adherence to cruelty as the defining force of Vancouver’s approach to governance, since Sim and his ABC Vancouver administration first took office in November 2022.

As a first order of business, Ken Sim revoked the Livable Wage Programme requiring suppliers to the City to pay a livable wage to their workers. Next, ABC Vancouver cancelled the Renter’s Office, as if renters didn’t matter, promising to re-direct funds to a renter’s group in Vancouver — of course, that never came to pass.

Next, Ken Sim filed two formal complaints against OneCity Vancouver City Councillor Christine Boyle, requiring her to expend funds to defend herself against the baseless charges alleged by the Mayor. Next, while practicing the Politics of Cruelty, Ken Sim and fellow ABC Councillor Lenny Zhou alleged publicly in the Chinese media that opposition COPE Councillor Sean Orr had distributed illegal drugs on the DTES over Christmas 2024 — while, in point of fact, Councillor Orr was visiting friends and family on the Sunshine Coast.

Not done, yet, Mayor Sim ordered the shuttering of the Office of the Integrity Commissioner while, it should be noted, he was under investigation for wrongdoing by Lisa Southern, then the City’s Integrity Commissioner. Ken Sim was unsuccessful in that venture.

As we wrote on Monday, Ken Sim and his ABC administration chose to expend $13.4 million to purchase FIFA tickets for their ‘friends’, choosing not to act on a recommendation by several health agencies to install suicide prevention barriers on the Granville Street Bridge, going so far this past March to not even bother to include a budget for the barriers in the 2026 – 2030 Capital Expenditure question set to be placed before voters who go to the polls this October.

Earlier this month, ABC Vancouver proposed and passed a public safety plebiscite motion designed to bolster their re-election chances, and cause fear among the public on issues related to the unhoused, street entrenched members of our community who ABC said they’d ‘crack down on’ by clearing the streets, without even the barest hint of compassion and caring for this vulnerable population.

Cruelty — as can be seen from the above examples — inflicts pain, creates division and would seem to stem from Ken Sim’s fear, insecurity or a desire for power and control.

Kindness, on the other hand, offers care, builds connection and requires the conscious strength to look beyond our most primal instincts.

Cruelty can deliberately hurt people or simply disregard their well-being. Kindness acts with generosity, empathy and a genuine desire to help.

These qualities do not remain confined to our personal lives. They shape our institutions, our communities and, ultimately, our politics.

A private act of cruelty may hurt one person.

A political decision can hurt thousands — or millions

That is why the character of political leadership matters, why who we elect to hold office at Vancouver City Hall this October matters.

Across much of the democratic world, political debate has grown harsher, more personal and more contemptuous.

Opponents are portrayed not merely as people who are wrong, but as enemies who must be humiliated, silenced or destroyed. Anger has become a political commodity, and cruelty is too often mistaken for strength.

But cruelty is not strength. It is a political choice.

And kindness is not weakness. Properly understood, it is a demanding principle — one that requires us to recognize the dignity of people with whom we disagree and to judge public policy by its consequences for the whole community.

At its foundation, politics exists to organize society for the common good. Governments collect taxes, build institutions, establish laws and distribute public resources because human beings cannot flourish entirely on their own. Politics is therefore, at its best, an exercise in deciding how we will live together.

Kindness belongs at the centre of political decision-making in Vancouver

This does not mean that politics should become sentimental, conflict-free or incapable of making difficult decisions.

A kind government must sometimes say no. It must enforce laws, confront corruption, protect the vulnerable and make choices that inevitably disappoint some people. Kindness does not eliminate accountability. It changes the purpose behind accountability.

The distinction matters. Cruelty seeks punishment, humiliation or exclusion for its own sake. Kindness seeks justice while recognizing our common humanity.

Indeed, some of the cruelest political decisions are not dramatic acts of violence. They are administrative decisions that allow suffering to continue because those suffering have little political power.

When governments tolerate homelessness, inadequate mental-health services, unaffordable housing, preventable poverty or unsafe working conditions, the resulting suffering can become invisible. No one person may be responsible; rather, it is the collective decision not to act.

This is why kindness cannot simply mean being personally pleasant. Political kindness must be institutional.

Kindness asks whether our laws, budgets and public services recognize that every human being has value — including people who are poor, addicted, homeless, elderly, disabled, unpopular or politically inconvenient.

Kindness also requires justice.

Kindness without justice can become patronizing: the powerful offering charity to those whom they have helped keep powerless. A genuinely humane politics therefore seeks both compassion and equality.

Nor should kindness be confused with political weakness.

Sometimes the kindest decision is the hardest one.

Preventing an environmental catastrophe may require restrictions today to protect people tomorrow. Addressing climate change means accepting responsibilities to generations that cannot yet vote.

Building affordable housing require government to challenge powerful interests. Providing treatment to people suffering from addiction demands resources, patience and political courage long after the cameras have disappeared.

This is not an act of softness; it is an act of responsibility.

There is also a danger in turning kindness itself into a political weapon.

Politicians can perform compassion while pursuing policies that deepen inequality. They can speak warmly about community while governing indifferently. Kindness must therefore be measured not by rhetoric but by outcomes.

The ultimate test is simple.

Does a political decision reduce unnecessary suffering, expand human dignity and strengthen the capacity of people to live meaningful lives together?

If it does, it deserves to be called humane.

If it deliberately increases suffering merely to satisfy anger, revenge or political calculation, we should have the courage to call it cruel.

A healthy democracy does not require everyone to agree. It requires citizens and leaders to recognize that disagreement does not cancel our shared humanity.

That may be the most important lesson of all.

The Structural Cruelty of Life Under Ken Sim’s ABC Vancouver Regime

Mayor Ken Sim at the podium, and his ABC Vancouver Councillors behind him, left to right, Councillors Brian Montague, Lisa Dominato, Lenny Zhou, Mike Klassen and Peter Meiszner

Political cruelty does not always look cruel.

Sometimes there is no angry politician, no deliberate act of violence and no obvious villain. Instead, cruelty can be embedded within laws, regulations, economic systems and bureaucratic procedures.

A government can deny people access to housing, healthcare or basic social supports. Criminal justice policies can punish poverty rather than address its causes. Immigration policies can separate families. Economic policies can leave people without meaningful opportunities while political rhetoric tells them their suffering is entirely their own fault.

This is structural cruelty.

It is particularly dangerous because responsibility becomes dispersed. The politician signs the legislation. The bureaucrat administers it. The agency enforces it. The taxpayer finances it. The public becomes accustomed to it.

And the person suffering can disappear behind statistics.

Kindness requires political leaders to reverse that process — to put the human being back at the centre of political decision-making.

Kindness Could Be A Core Political Value in Vancouver Should We Choose

At its core, kindness means empathy, respect and a genuine concern for others. Woven into political practice, it fosters collaboration, promotes inclusion and creates the possibility of pursuing justice and equality without first dehumanizing those with whom we disagree.

Kindness should therefore not be viewed as a soft alternative to serious politics.

It is serious politics.

Political decision-making determines how resources, rights and opportunities are distributed throughout society.

Every budget contains moral choices. Every tax system reflects priorities. Every housing policy says something about whose needs are considered urgent. Every healthcare decision reveals how much value society places upon human well-being.

When kindness is embedded in those decisions, governments are more likely to consider the consequences for people who are most vulnerable.

Policies reflecting kindness are not acts of charity. Social justice is not simply about giving something to people who have less. It is an acknowledgment of our shared humanity and our shared dependence upon one another.

Children depend upon adults. Older people depend upon younger generations. People become sick, disabled or unemployed. Families experience poverty. Individuals encounter addiction, mental illness, grief and homelessness.

At different points in our lives, almost all of us depend upon the kindness and institutions of others.

A compassionate society recognizes this vulnerability rather than pretending that every person succeeds or fails entirely through individual effort.

Kindness, Justice and Equality Must Define Politics in Vancouver

Kindness has a particularly important role in advancing justice and equity.

Justice asks whether people are being treated fairly.

Kindness asks us to understand what those people are experiencing.

The two belong together.

A society cannot claim to be just while ignoring the suffering of people who have little political power. Nor can it create genuine equality by treating every person as though their circumstances were identical.

Kindness demands political leaders look beyond abstract statistics and consider the lived experience behind them.

What does an unemployment rate mean to the family that cannot pay its rent?

What does a housing shortage mean to the person sleeping in a shelter?

What does a healthcare waiting list mean to someone living with pain?

What does climate change mean to a community whose home, livelihood or food supply is threatened?

These are not merely economic or administrative questions. They are human questions.

Our Current Climate Emergency, and the Politics of Future Generations

Climate change, our current climate emergency, provides one of the clearest examples of why kindness must extend beyond immediate political interests.

The consequences of climate change disproportionately affect many of the world’s poorest and most vulnerable communities, despite the fact that those communities have often contributed the least to the accumulation of greenhouse-gas emissions.

A kind approach to environmental policy therefore looks beyond the next election cycle.

It considers future generations.

Political leaders who approach climate policy through empathy and equity recognize that today’s decisions will affect people who have no vote in today’s elections. Children not yet born will inherit the consequences of choices made by today’s governments.

Kindness, in this context, becomes a form of responsibility.

It means refusing to define political success solely in terms of immediate economic gain. It means considering whether our prosperity is being purchased at the expense of people elsewhere — or at the expense of generations yet to come.

Environmental justice is therefore not charity. It is an expression of shared responsibility.

The Choice Vancouver Voters Face When Going to the Polls This October

In an age of polarization, kindness may indeed appear naïve.

But perhaps what appears naïve is actually what has become radical: the belief that politics should be about improving people’s lives.

Kindness can humanize political dialogue, rebuild trust and create the conditions for co-operation. It can help repair the fractures within democratic institutions and allow leaders to confront enormous challenges — including inequality, housing, healthcare, climate change and public safety — with greater empathy and clarity.

Kindness does not mean abandoning principle.

It means pursuing principle without abandoning humanity.

Cruelty tells us that some people are disposable.

Kindness insists that every person matters.

Cruelty divides society into winners and losers, insiders and outsiders, deserving and undeserving.

Kindness asks what circumstances produced inequality and what can be done to reduce unnecessary suffering.

Cruelty governs through fear.

Kindness governs through trust.

Politics is ultimately a choice about which side of human nature we cultivate.

A society that rewards cruelty will inevitably produce more cruelty. A society that rewards empathy, responsibility and mutual care can create the conditions for more kindness.

The greatest measure of political leadership should not simply be who can command the most authority, win the most votes or dominate the political conversation.

It should be who understands the extraordinary responsibility that comes with power.

The true test of a political society is what it does with its power when nobody is powerful enough to stop it.

That is where cruelty and kindness cease to be abstract philosophical concepts.

They become the daily reality of people’s lives.

And in the political realm, choosing kindness is not merely a matter of being nice.

It is a decision about what — and whom — a society is willing to value.

We can be tough without being cruel. We can demand accountability without demanding humiliation. We can defend public safety without abandoning compassion. We can disagree passionately without deciding that our opponents are less deserving of dignity than ourselves.

Politics will always involve conflict. There will always be competing interests, limited resources and difficult choices. Kindness will never remove those realities.

But it can determine how we confront them.

The choice between cruelty and kindness is therefore not a choice between weakness and strength. It is a choice between two visions of political life.

One sees society as a battlefield in which winners triumph over losers.

The other sees society as a community where freedom and prosperity are inseparable from the well-being of others.

The first may produce fear, obedience and temporary political victories.

The second offers something far more difficult — and more enduring: a society in which power is exercised not simply to control people, but to help people flourish.

That is not naïve politics.

It is politics worthy of the name.

#VIFF 2026 | October 1st to 11th | Programme Guide | Sizzle Reel | Buy Your Tickets to #VIFF 2026 Now!

Explore the 2026 Vancouver International Film Festival Programme Guide by clicking on the following link …

Vancouver International Film Festival Programme Guide

While you’re on this site, enjoy this year’s #VIFF Sizzle Reel.

Purchase tickets or a pass to #VIFF 2026 by clicking here.

This Friday, VanRamblings will publish a story on the upcoming Telluride, Venice, Toronto and New York Film Festivals, and in each successive Friday in September will publish a VIFF 2026 story, covering facets of this year’s festival.

Come early October, it is our intention to write about the current Vancouver municipal election Monday thru Thursday, and dedicate Fridays, Saturdays and Sundays to coverage of the 45th annual 2026 Vancouver International Film Festival, on October 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 9th, 10th and 11th.