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#BCPoli | Ridings in Contention | North Shore, Vancouver, Richmond, Burnaby and New West

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As the 2024 British Columbia election campaign heats up, key ridings across the North Shore — comprised of West Vancouver, and North Vancouver — Vancouver city proper, Richmond, Burnaby, and New Westminster have come into focus.

These regions, traditionally home to strong B.C. New Democratic Party and B.C. Liberal (transformed into the now defunct B.C. United) representation, in 2024 are witnessing fierce competition, especially with the rise of the insurgent B.C. Conservative Party under leader John Rustad.

The political dynamics across these urban and suburban ridings will play a crucial role in determining whether Premier David Eby’s B.C. NDP holds onto power, or John Rustad’s B.C. Conservatives, alongside a surfeit of former B.C. United candidates, now identifying as Independents — given the demise of B.C.  United — in the 2024 British Columbia election, can carve out a significant share of the electorate.

The North Shore: West Vancouver-Sea to Sky | West Vancouver-Capilano | North Vancouver-Lonsdale | North Vancouver-Seymour

The North Shore, with its blend of affluence and environmental activism, is often seen as a bellwether for middle-class urban voters.


To read Vote Mate candidate profiles of the West Vancouver-Sea to Sky candidates, click here.

In West Vancouver-Sea to Sky, B.C. NDP candidate Jen Ford, a Whistler municipal Councillor, faces stiff competition from B.C. Greens candidate Jeremy Valeriote, and B.C. Conservative candidate, Yuri Fulmer. This riding is marked by its environmentally-conscious electorate, which aligns with Valeriote’s strengths, particularly given his party’s history in the riding. However, the B.C. NDP, buoyed by Ford’s local reputation and the B.C. NDP’s progressive climate policies, could make inroads. The wildcard here is Fulmer, representing the B.C. Conservatives, who may attract right-leaning voters disillusioned with B.C. United’s recent collapse.

Moving to West Vancouver-Capilano, the race is even more complex.

High profile Independent Karin Kirkpatrick, formerly a B.C. United MLA, is mounting a well-funded, high energy campaign. Her decision to run as an Independent threatens to split the centre-right vote, complicating the path for the B.C. Conservatives’ Lynne Block, who also faces competition from another Independent, Jaclyn Aubichon, who insists she is the true B.C. Conservative candidate. The B.C. NDP’s Sara Eftekhar and the B.C. Greens’ Archie Kaario are hoping this division on the right opens a narrow path to victory, but Kirkpatrick’s sterling local reputation and deep ties to the riding make her the likely frontrunner.

In North Vancouver-Lonsdale, B.C. NDP incumbent Bowinn Ma, a high-profile Minister and advocate for housing and transit, remains a strong contender. However, with the B.C. Conservatives fielding a serious challenge —  in the form of David Splett, a seasoned Chartered Professional Accountant with over 30 years of international experience in financial and operational management within large organizations — in this suburban riding, Ma will need to fend off attacks on affordability and public safety. In North Vancouver-Seymour, NDP MLA Susie Chant faces a similar battle. Both North Shore ridings are typically competitive, but the fragmentation on the right may play to the B.C. NDP’s advantage here, as Ma and Chant can leverage their incumbency and the government’s progressive record.

Richmond: Crime and Economic Uncertainty

Richmond, a traditionally right-leaning suburb, delivered an unexpected triumph for the B.C. NDP in 2020 when they claimed three out of four ridings.

In Richmond-Queensborough, B.C. NDP incumbent Aman Singh faces an uphill battle, with crime emerging as a central issue. Steve Kooner of the B.C. Conservatives is making crime and public safety the core issues of his campaign, hoping to appeal to voters frustrated with perceived rising crime rates. Global B.C.’s Richard Zussman has identified this riding as a bellwether riding, and suggests that this riding could determine whether David Eby or John Rustad form government post October 19th election night. To win, Aman Singh will need to hold onto the diverse coalition that propelled him to victory in 2020, to retain his seat.

In Richmond-Steveston, NDP MLA Kelly Greene is in a similarly tough race. Her challengers include former B.C. United candidate Jackie Lee — who was an incredible fundraiser for B.C. United, but now running as an Independent Mr. Lee doesn’t have access to the monies he raised — and B.C. Conservative Michelle Mollineaux. Still and all, Mr. Lee is a known quantity. Kelly Greene won a squeaker in 2020; in 2024, with the vote on the right split, it would seem likely that with a fragmented opposition, Greene’s incumbency may give her an edge. Still and all, as is the case in Richmond-Queensborough, crime, alongside economic uncertainty, will dominate the conversation in Richmond-Steveston.

Unless the B.C. NDP can respond to crime and public safety effectively, Ms. Mollineaux could emerge victorious on election night.

However, in Richmond Centre — where former B.C. United candidate Wendy Yuan is mounting a high profile, effective campaign, with an army behind her to help get out the vote (they’ve already identified they’re vote, which is important), again with a split on the right, incumbent B.C. NDP candidate Henry Yao could take the riding on election night. In Richmond-Bridgeport, the resurgence of the B.C. Conservatives, especially with former B.C. United MLA Teresa Wat now running under Rustad’s Conservative banner, adds unpredictability. Wat’s candidacy is especially notable, as she could potentially recapture her base from the splintered B.C. United, making Richmond a pivotal region on election night.

Vancouver: An NDP Stronghold Under Threat?

Vancouver has been the bedrock of B.C. NDP support in recent elections, but the emergence of the B.C. Conservatives has introduced uncertainty, especially in ridings like Vancouver-Quilchena, where the departure of B.C. United leader Kevin Falcon has left the field wide open for the B.C. Conservative’s Dallas Brodie, who is assured of victory in this affluent, traditionally right-leaning riding. A significant win for the B.C. Conservatives that could signal broader gains across the city.

Global B.C.’s Richard Zussman has called Vancouver-Yaletown a top 10 riding to watch on election night. The two candidates: two time Vancouver City Councillor Melissa De Genova running with the B.C. Conservatives, and retired Vancouver Police Department Inspector, Terry Yung, running with the B.C. NDP. Read the riding profile we published on September 4th for extensive insight into this riding.

In Vancouver-South Granville, Brenda Bailey, a prominent Minister in the Eby government, is running for re-election. She faces B.C. Conservative candidate Aron Lageri, whose campaign could tap into growing frustrations over housing and crime. Ms. Bailey will win this riding, the demographic data leaning heavily NDP.


For insight into the Vancouver-Little Mountain race, click here.

Meanwhile, in Vancouver-Little Mountain, Vancouver City Councillor Christine Boyle, having secured the B.C. NDP nomination in a hard fought contest with former Vision Vancouver City Councillor, Andrea Reimer, is running against former Vancouver Park Board Chair John Coupar, one of the first potential candidates B.C. Conservative leader approached to run with his nascent B.C. Conservative Party. This race highlights the ongoing battle for progressive votes in the city, with Boyle’s deep connections to local politics providing her an advantage, although Coupar’s early recruitment by Rustad signals a strong conservative push, and a likely Cabinet position for Mr. Coupar should the Conservatives form government.

Vancouver-Langara also warrants attention, with B.C. NDP candidate Sunita Dhir running against controversial B.C. Conservative Bryan Breguet. Breguet’s inflammatory comments on race and crime have made this a particularly charged contest. The NDP hopes to capitalize on his divisiveness to hold the riding.

One of the most competitive ridings is Vancouver-Fraserview, where long-serving NDP MLA George Chow, a longtime B.C. NDP Minister, is being challenged by B.C. Conservative Jag S Sanghera. If the B.C. Conservatives manage to turn this election into a wave election, Fraserview could flip — as it did in 2013, when B.C. Liberal Suzanne Anton won the riding, going on to become Attorney General in the administration of B.C. Liberal Premier Christy Clark. The B.C. Greens’: a perennial Green candidate and teacher, Françoise Raunet is unlikely to mount a serious challenge.

VanRamblings will focus on Premier David Eby’s Vancouver-Point Grey riding, at the top of tomorrow’s column, in a post which may or may not explore ridings in contention in Surrey-Delta, the Tri-Cities out to Chilliwack, north of the Fraser River, and ridings in contention in the Fraser Valley. At this point, we think we’re gonna get carried away writing about the contest in Vancouver-Point Grey.

One candidate has some ‘splain’ to do.

Burnaby and New Westminster: NDP Heartland in Flux?

Burnaby has been a stronghold for the B.C. NDP, but cracks may be appearing.

Burnaby-North, where incumbent Janet Routledge is running for re-election, is particularly vulnerable. Her B.C. Conservative opponent, entrepreneur Michael Wu, could pose a serious challenge, especially if the election turns into a wave election for the Conservatives. The other Burnaby ridings, such as Burnaby Centre and Burnaby South-Metrotown, are more secure for the NDP, although shifting voter demographics and discontent over housing affordability make these ridings worth watching on election night.

Jennifer Whiteside, B.C. NDP candidate in New Westminster-Coquitlam

In New Westminster-Coquitlam, NDP MLA and Minister in the Eby government, Jennifer Whiteside, looks secure in her seat, with the B.C. Conservative’s Ndellie Massey and B.C. Greens’ Maureen Curran unlikely to mount significant threats. However, New Westminster’s stability may not reflect broader trends if the B.C. Conservatives make gains across the province.

Will Urban British Columbia Hold the Key to Victory?

As the election progresses, the urban ridings: the North Shore, Vancouver, Richmond, Burnaby and New Westminster will be critical election determinants.

While the B.C. NDP remains strong in these areas, the resurgence of the B.C. Conservatives and the presence of well-funded Independents introduce volatility.

Should the B.C. Conservatives succeed in turning the election into a wave election, or even a tsunami election, many of the ridings we have written about today — long considered safe ridings for the B.C. NDP — could be up for grabs.

On Election Night, Saturday, October 19th, these key battlegrounds will likely tell the story of whether David Eby can hold onto government, or if John Rustad’s insurgent campaign can propel the B.C. Conservatives to power.

2024 British Columbia Provincial Election | Regional Riding Analysis

Part 1 | Vancouver Island | Five Ridings in Contention, and Subject to Change

Part 2 | The Interior, the North and the Kootenays | Battleground Ridings


The Hotel Pacifico podcast will broadcast daily, Monday thru Friday, throughout the 2024 election

The good folks at Air Quotes Media’s Hotel Pacifico podcast — featuring Mike McDonald, Christy Clark’s campaign manager in 2013; Geoff Meggs, Premier John Horgan’s Chief of Staff; and Kate Hammer, a former Globe and Mail British Columbia legislative reporter — will “broadcast” on the B.C. Election each day, Monday through Friday. Find the latest episode above.

VanRamblings will post the podcast, for your edification and enjoyment.

Stories of a Life | Redux | Failing Grade One as a Pivotal Moment in My Life

Stories of a Life Redux,

Lord Nelson Elementary School, on Vancouver's east side, circa 1957

For the first five years of my life, I didn’t speak. I sang, but I didn’t speak.

Early childhood trauma, I expect — neglect, a lack of love, and darker goings on I won’t write about today — but there was nonetheless joy in my young life, the Sunshine Bread truck that would situate itself in the park at the end of Alice Street, over by Victoria and 24th, providing the young children who lived in the neighbourhood an opportunity to ride on the tiny merry-go-round on the back of the truck, the children running home to their mothers saying, “Mom, oh mom, you’ve got to buy some Sunshine Bread.”

At age five, I began to speak, first haltingly and then in full sentences. For anyone who knows me, they’d probably say that for many years now, I have been making up for the lost words of the first five years of my life.

Mother reading her son a bedtime story

In my home, there were no bedtime stories.

Not that either of my parents were inclined to read to my sister and I.

My father had a Grade One education, and couldn’t read. My mother had a Grade Three education, and she could read — but not to either me or my sister. Not that she was ever around the house long enough to read stories to us, even if she was so inclined — which she wasn’t.

My mother was the breadwinner in my family, working three jobs simultaneously, always, 16 hour days six days a week, with one 24-hour day. Those were in the days of the 1950s and 1960s when women were paid 35¢ an hour, hardly enough to live on.

Class picture, Grade One class, Lord Nelson Elementary School, Vancouver's east side, circa 1957

In September 1956, I entered Grade One. My mother was actually present to enroll me my first day of school at Lord Nelson Elementary, at Templeton Drive and Charles.

Grade One was, for me, a blur.

I was, I suppose, unmanageable, full of life, although I don’t have any strong memories of my attendance at Lord Nelson Elementary school, from September 1956 through June of 1957 — I had never been socialized, no one had ever made demands of me in regards of my conduct, although I would receive hard spankings at home if I got out of line.

My most cogent memories of September 1956 to June 1957 are this …

    • Walking to school alone through billowy white fog, so thick you couldn’t see your hand in front of you, arriving at school on time, and settling into a day where I would learn nothing;
    • Spending occasional afternoons at my best friend John Pavich’s home, his mother with fresh-baked, warm cookies at the ready, a glass of milk on the table. I would often stay for only a half hour, after which I would walk down Charles Street in the rain, towards Nanaimo, rumbling thunder and lightning in the steel blue skies a wondrous delight for me.

Raymond Tomlin on his bike, spring 1957, at 2165 East 2nd Avenue, in VancouverSix-year-old me, Raymond Tomlin, on my bike, outside my home, in the spring of 1957

As the school year was ending, the sports day complete, the warm summer days having now just begun, on the last day of school in June 1957, I received my report card, taking it directly to my home as instructed by my Principal and my teacher.

There was no one home.

I played make believe all on my own. I left my report card on the kitchen table. Alone, I felt fatigued, and went to bed early on that June 30th afternoon, unsure of what the summer would bring, and what life held in store for me.

Early the next morning, following 12 hours of fitful sleep, upon opening my eyes, I was surprised to see my mother standing over my bed. She looked at me, seething, her lips pursed and tight, her face purple with rage — next thing I knew, she hit me across the face, hard. “You failed Grade One. No son of mine is going to fail Grade One. You are in for a summer of hell!”

And so it proved to be.

For the only time in all the years I lived at home, my mother left her employment, staying home with me through July and August, the renters in the downstairs suite evicted that summer, my days of hell beginning at 8am, tied to a chair in the kitchen of the downstairs suite, from 8am til 8pm Monday through Friday of each week of summer 1957, for near on 60 days — save my birthday, on August 11th, when I was given a day off.

Hour upon hour upon hour.

Over the course of the thirty-one days of July 1957, something of a miracle occurred amidst the tears, and the now lessening screams of the day: I learned to read. I learned arithmetic. I learned to print. I learned everything I had not learned in ten months of enrollment in Grade One.

By summer’s end — as would soon be discovered — I knew how to print and to write in cursive longhand, my arithmetic skills progressing far beyond basic addition and subtraction into fractions, and elementary algebra and geometry. I learned to read, I read for hours every day.

That summer I learned to love learning.

Children lined up, ready to go into the school to begin their day, circa 1957

On the first day of school in September 1957, my mother — as you may have gathered, a force of nature — marched me into the school office, confronting the Principal, an anger in her that had transmogrified into rage, my mother fierce and unrelenting in a barrage of hate-filled words that filled the room, fear and dread also filling the room, the Principal clearly unsettled, teachers running towards the office to see what this mad woman who had taken control of the office wanted, was demanding.

“My son is ready for Grade 2,” my mother bellowed at my Principal, whose complexion now was ruddy, his face shuddering, his eyes wary, wide, concern — perhaps for his safety, perhaps for me – spilling out of his eyes.

“But Mrs. Tomlin, your son can’t read, he doesn’t even know the letters of the alphabet, and he doesn’t know how to do even the most basic addition and subtraction, not even one plus one equals two. I cannot place your son in Grade Two, just because you wish it to be so.”

My mother looked around the office. There was a large plaque on one of the walls, with 20 or so lines of print on the plaque.

Turning to me, pointing to the plaque, she roared, “Read it.” And I did. While I was reading the dozens of words on the plaque, my mother looked around the office, spotting a Grade 5 Math book.

Handing the Math book to the Principal, her eyes now in a squint, she demanded of the Principal, “turn to any page, ask him to solve any problem on that page.

Now!”

The principal did as he was instructed to by my mother, asking me one question after another, as he flipped through page after page of the Math book. I answered every question correctly — and quickly, as I had been instructed in my basement dungeon at home.

The Principal turned to me and said, “Wait here son, take a seat over there. Mrs. Tomlin, please come with me to my office.”

Twenty minutes later I entered Mrs. Goloff’s Grade Two class, in a portable outside along Charles Street, beginning what would be one of the best years of my life. The school had spelling bees. I won every time, not just for Grade 2, but for the whole school.

I breezed through Grade 2. Somehow, over the summer, I had gained a love of learning that resides in me still, and informs my life each and every day. I loved to read, spending hours in the school library reading whatever I could get my hands on.

The summer of 1957.

A pivotal summer in my life, not just my young life, but the whole of my life, the most impactful summer of my near 68 years on this planet since 1957. In retrospect, looking back on that summer of what began as misery and pain, and what it has meant to me over the course of the next 68 years of my life — I love my mother for what she did for me.

As I have written previously, and as I will write again, I am who I am because of the tough, caring women who have come into my life, who have been demanding of me to be my best, to give all that I can give.

As is the case with most of the women with whom I have shared my life, my mother was a tough, bright, brooked no nonsense and driven woman, someone you did not want to cross, ever, who was also — not to put too fine a point on the matter — crazy (a consequence of childhood trauma), but a survivor nonetheless, and was in her own way, loving, but in terms of the woman who was supposed to raise me, in large measure and for the most part, absent — save one particular summer, the summer of 1957.

#BCPoli | BC NDP Will Implement a Dignified Province-Wide Supportive Housing Agenda

#VanPoli Civic Politics, BC Election 2024, BC Votes 2024, Canada, Essay, Food & Health, Politics, Vancouver, , , , , , , , ,

In British Columbia, Single Room Occupancy (SRO) units have long served as a last resort for many of the province’s most vulnerable individuals, including low-income residents, those with mental health challenges, and people grappling with homelessness.

However, these aging, often dilapidated buildings are increasingly unfit for human habitation. As such, there is an urgent need for the British Columbia government to transition vulnerable populations out of rundown SROs in Vancouver, Victoria and elsewhere, toward sustainable, supportive housing models.

By providing care similar to the successful systems used in European countries like Finland, B.C. can address the root causes of homelessness, poverty, and social marginalization while promoting long-term well-being and social integration.

In a 2022 interview with B.C. Legislative reporter Katie DeRosa, then with the Vancouver Sun and now in the same role with the CBC, B.C.’s New Democratic Party Attorney General and Minister Responsible for Housing, David Eby — who was running to replace Premier John Horgan, who had resigned as Premier for health reasons, as leader of the BC NDP — had the following to say about the need for government to provide dignified supportive housing for members of British Columbia’s vulnerable populations living in communities across the province, and move these abandoned individuals out of rundown SROs …

Premier David Eby addresses need to transition people out of SROs

“There really hasn’t been a co-ordinated strategy or a plan about how we get out of the problems of Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, Victoria and elsewhere. I think … putting an invisible fence around neighbourhoods and saying ‘this is the best we can do’ and just hope that things work out, it’s a strategy that will no longer carry us forward.” Eby said if he’s successful in his bid to replace Premier John Horgan … he’ll co-ordinate a long-term response to homelessness issues across the province, with the support and assistance from the federal government, our province’s towns and cities, and concerned groups.

In point of fact, Premier David Eby has committed to just that, copying the Finnish model that provides supported and affordable housing.

Juha Kaakinen, Finnish CEO of the Y-Foundation, providing low-cost housing to the homeless

“We had to get rid of the night shelters and short-term hostels we still had back then. They had a very long history in Finland, and everyone could see they were not getting people out of homelessness. We decided to reverse the assumptions,” says Juha Kaakinen, CEO of Finland’s Y-Foundation, which provides low-cost flats to homeless people across Finland.

The Deplorable Conditions of SROs

SROs, originally constructed as affordable housing for the working class, have deteriorated significantly over the decades. Many SRO units in cities like Vancouver, Victoria and Kelowna are plagued by chronic disrepair, pest infestations, poor heating and ventilation systems, inadequate plumbing, and a lack of basic sanitation. These environments are not only uncomfortable but dangerous, often exacerbating the mental and physical health challenges faced by their residents.

Research shows a strong correlation between poor living conditions and poor health outcomes, including increased rates of addiction, infectious diseases, and mental health crises. Furthermore, many SRO buildings are located in areas with high crime rates, compounding the risks for residents already facing social vulnerabilities. In essence, SROs have become a symbol of the failure to provide adequate housing and services to the people who need them most. Moving vulnerable individuals out of these dangerous environments is not only a moral imperative, but also a matter of public health and safety.

The Case for Supportive Housing

Supportive housing offers a more sustainable solution to the complex needs of the vulnerable populations currently residing in SROs. Unlike SROs, which often serve as temporary, stop-gap measures, supportive housing provides stable, permanent accommodations where individuals have access to social, medical, and psychological services on-site. This model addresses not only the need for safe and secure housing but also the underlying issues that contribute to homelessness and instability, such as mental health disorders, addiction, and unemployment.


The Globe and Mail’s Kerry Gold on how Finland is solving the problem of homelessness.

In European countries like Finland and Austria, supportive housing has proven to be remarkably successful. Finland, for instance, has implemented the “Housing First” model, which provides stable housing to homeless individuals as the first step toward addressing other social issues. This approach has reduced homelessness by over 50% since its introduction in 2008, with most formerly homeless individuals remaining housed long-term. Austria follows a similar model with an emphasis on affordable, long-term housing paired with social services, which has also led to positive outcomes for at-risk populations.

For B.C., adopting a comparable approach would mean transitioning away from crisis management in the form of emergency shelters or rundown SROs and toward long-term solutions that focus on stability, health, and empowerment.

Supportive housing projects, when coupled with services such as healthcare, employment training, and mental health support, help individuals reintegrate into society, reduce their dependence on public services, and lead more fulfilling lives.

Note should be made that Premier David Eby’s government alone has a long term strategy — that they have committed to implement in their next term of government —  to transition members of our vulnerable population out of rundown SROs and substandard accommodation into supportive housing

Cost Efficiency and Long-Term Benefits of Building Supportive Housing

One of the most compelling arguments for supportive housing is its cost-effectiveness. Studies from both Europe and North America demonstrate that investing in supportive housing ultimately saves governments money in the long run. Homelessness and inadequate housing impose significant costs on public systems, including healthcare, law enforcement, and emergency services.

For instance, individuals living on the streets or in unstable environments are more likely to require emergency medical attention, experience police interactions, or become involved in the criminal justice system. In contrast, when people are find safe haven and community in supportive housing, they use fewer emergency services and are better able to manage chronic health conditions, or avoid encounters with law enforcement. Finland’s Housing First model has shown that for every dollar spent on housing and support, the government saves approximately $2 in costs related to homelessness.

B.C., with its high cost of living and significant homeless population, faces similar challenges. Building and maintaining supportive housing units may initially require significant investment, but it will result in long-term savings by reducing strain on public health, criminal justice, and social services systems. Moreover, the social and economic benefits of helping individuals regain stability, employment, and health far outweigh the upfront costs.

In a government publication titled Lost in Transition, the cost of construction of thousands of supportive housing units would be made possible in part by the savings that would accrue from merging the 277 social services agencies on the DTES into 30 umbrella organizations.

Each of the 277 social agencies employs an Executive Director — at an average annual salary of $500,000 — Directors of Finance, Directors of Human Resources, Managers of Supported Housing, Property Managers and other senior administrative staff — each of these 247 individuals earning up to $375,000 annually — a duplication of services and administration funded by the province, Merging agencies would save more than $1 billion dollars annually that would helo to pay for the cost of building supportive housing on the DTES, and across the province.

The Lost in Transition report questioned if such duplication of services properly serves the interests of those who are resident, and cared for, on the DTES.

There was also recommendation in the Lost in Transition report that argued for the provincial appointment of a Commissioner who would oversee the reformation of the provision of services on the DTES, a person with the authority of a Deputy Minister who would report only to a provincially appointed Board of Directors, which would oversee the transition of the current service model, reporting as well as to the office of the Premier.

A Moral and Social Imperative of Providing Dignified Supportive Housing


Eby government planning to take co-ordination of housing provision for B.C.’s most vulnerable citizens

Finally, there’s a moral dimension to the issue.

In a society as wealthy and resource-rich as British Columbia, allowing vulnerable members of our population to languish in unsafe, unsanitary SRO units reflects poorly on social priorities.

The government has a responsibility — a responsibility recognized by those within the B.C.  New Democrat government — to protect its most vulnerable citizens, ensuring that these individuals have access to the basic necessities of life, including safe housing, healthcare, and social support.

Housing is not just a commodity; it is a human right.

By moving away from the outdated, harmful practice of relying on SROs & instead investing in supportive housing, B.C. can take a meaningful step toward ending homelessness and improving the quality of life for our most marginalized citizens.

Relocating vulnerable populations out of rundown SROs and into supportive housing is not just a practical solution; it is an ethical and economic necessity.

In adopting the supportive housing model, British Columbia can — and will, with the re-election of an NDP government — address homelessness more effectively, reduce the long-term social, moral and medical costs associated with inadequate housing, while promoting a more inclusive and caring society.

The time to act is now, with the re-election of a David Eby-led government.

The benefits of the B.C. New Democrats’ approach to building dignified housing for our most vulnerable population will be felt for generations to come.

Know Your Local Ruling Class

#VanPoli | Kareem Allam

#VanPoli Civic Politics, BC Politics, Canada, Know Your Local Ruling Class, Politics, Vancouver Votes 2022, , , , ,

That handsome, despicable fellow you see pictured above is Kareem Allam.

We’re kidding. Honest. Just joshing. Sheesh, no one can take a joke these days.


Afford yourself the pleasure of listening to / watching B.C.’s most accomplished politico, Kareem Allam

Who is Kareem Mahmoud Abbas Allam?

Most political folks will recognize Mr. Allam as the architect of ABC Vancouver’s overwhelming victory at the polls on October 15, 2022, in that year’s decisive municipal election, where every ABC Vancouver candidate was elected to office.

Clearly, Kareem Allam is a master strategist, a superior motivator and a campaign manager par excellence, an individual who means to win, not necessarily at all costs, but still — and, if we might suggest, a man of principle and integrity who fights the good fight, in 2022 on behalf of the beleaguered citizenry of Vancouver.

In 2022, post pandemic, an irritated Vancouver public had become fed up with a do nothing, whiny, Kennedy Stewart-led (if in anyone’s wildest imagination, Mr. Stewart might have the appellation of ‘leader‘ applied to him) administration, where he worked within a disparate and wildly dysfunctional civic administration.  Mr. Stewart is, fortunate for us,  now back at the post from whence he came, as the defrocked and much mocked Simon Fraser University Political Science professor.

If you go to the Fairview Strategy website — where Mr. Allam is employed, Fairview Strategy an integrated public relations company which offers government relations liaison and expertise, communication, media relations, digital communication, Indigenous relations, and market research — you will read this …

With two decades of private and public sector experience in public affairs, Kareem has successfully leveraged his knowledge of people, policy and community into triumphant political campaigns at the municipal, provincial and federal levels.

Kareem managed the winning Kevin Falcon for BC Liberal Leader campaign and the ABC Vancouver municipal campaign, electing 19 out of 19 candidates, including Mayor Ken Sim. In 2023, Kareem achieved #9 status on Vancouver Magazine’s annual Power 50 list.

Kareem has served as a member of the Board of the Fraser Health Authority, and as a member of the Translink Screening Panel, among other appointments which serve the community interest.


Sarah Blyth, community advocate and organizer, founding member of the Overdose Prevention Society

Did we mention that Sarah Blyth holds Mr. Allam in the highest possible esteem?

One year ago, Mr. Allam left his post as Chief of Staff to Mayor Ken Sim. Suffice to say that Mr. Allam’s leave-taking — he was very unhappy — was none too pleasant.

Well worth watching and listening to the Hotel Pacifico podcast interview with Kareem Allam that you’ll find above — given that Mr. Allam will continue to be long into the future, a British Columbian of wit, intelligence, perspicacity and accomplishment, who will endure as an individual who will make a difference for the better in each of our lives, in the many, many years to come. Best to get to know Mr. Allam a little better now, to help provide a bit of context for your confounding life, and perhaps even inject a smidgen of hope for a better collective future for all of us.