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#BCPoli | Kerry-Lynne Findlay, BC Conservatives | Is The Maple MAGA Leader Unfit To Become Premier?

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Kerry-Lynne Findlay, the new B.C. Conservative Party leader

The Iron Fist in a Velvet Glove: The Ascent of Kerry-Lynne Findlay

On May 30, 2026, the Rocky Mountaineer Station in Vancouver played host to an ideological tug-of-war that would reshape the political landscape of British Columbia. When the fourth and final ballot of the Conservative Party of BC leadership race settled, Kerry-Lynne Findlay emerged victorious. But the crown she inherited is heavy, fractured, and forged in the fires of an intense internal civil war.

Ms. Findlay, a 71-year-old veteran of the Stephen Harper era, successfully positioned herself as a “conservative by conviction, not by convenience,” rallying a base that favoured a hard-right ideological shift over centrist moderation.

Yet, as she takes the helm of the province’s Official Opposition, her victory is over-shadowed by a razor-thin mandate, serious federal compliance investigations, and deep fractures within her own ranks.

A Razor-Thin Mandate from the Hinterlands

To understand the challenge ahead for Ms. Findlay is to understand just how narrow her path to victory truly was. Her battle against political commentator and former BC United vice-president Caroline Elliott was an absolute photo finish.


For VanRamblings (and her leadership campaign manager, Kory Teneycke), it is almost impossible to believe that a competent, articulate, younger, electable Caroline Elliott lost to Kerry-Lynne Findlay

As provincial affairs columnist Vaughn Palmer noted in the Vancouver Sun, Ms. Findlay topped Ms. Elliott by a mere 60 raw votes out of more than 22,000 ballots cast. Under the party’s riding-weighted system, this translated to a 51% to 49% victory — the narrowest possible margin for democratic legitimacy.

More telling than the margin is the geographic and demographic divide it exposed:

  • The Urban-Rural Split: Ms. Findlay’s victory was not built in the urban or suburban centres of the Lower Mainland. In Vancouver proper, she captured just 17% of first-round support, and only 14% in West Vancouver-Sea-to-Sky;
  • The Northern Surge: Her true base of power lay in the northern, rural, and resource-dependent heartlands. In ridings like Stikine-Bulkley Valley — a region dotted with heavily Christian towns and areas deeply entangled in resource development debates — Ms. Findlay dominated, capturing 59% of the vote.

By rejecting the more centrist visions put forward by her former rivals — current MLA Peter Miloba, former BC Liberal MLA Iain Black, and Ms. Elliott herself — Ms. Findlay consolidated a populism rooted outside the major metropolitan areas.

The Ghost of 2025: Elections Canada Allegations

Compounding the structural divisions within her party is a serious external vulnerability. Ms. Findlay enters her provincial leadership under a distinct legal and ethical cloud stemming from her recent political past.

During the 2025 federal election, Ms. Findlay lost her seat as the Member of Parliament for South Surrey — White Rock. However, the fallout from that campaign continues to loom large. An ongoing Elections Canada investigation features severe allegations regarding her campaign’s financial and operational conduct:

The Allegations Under Investigation:

  • Undeclared Corporate Benefits: It is alleged that Ms. Findlay’s campaign received $75,000 in undeclared and unpaid services from a private corporation;
  • Quid Pro Quo: Investigators suggest these corporate services were provided in exchange for promises of lucrative federal contracts down the road;
  • Foreign National Canvassing: Perhaps most damagingly, the investigation further suggests that approximately 50 individuals described as foreign nationals without legal status actively canvassed on behalf of Ms. Findlay during the campaign. Ms. Findlay has dismissed the investigation as standard political friction, but the potential for formal sanctions provides constant ammunition for her political opponents.

Pulling the Party to the Right: The Culture War Focus

In a comprehensive profile for the online journal The Tyee, journalist Jen St. Denis highlighted the fundamental shift occurring under the new leadership, run under the stark headline: Findlay Pulls BC Conservatives to the Right.

Ms. Findlay’s platform leans heavily into “faith, family, and freedom,” a rhetorical framework that critics argue mirrors American-style populist movements. Observers describe her as a Trump-adjacent “MAGA Maple” figure, highly focused on divisive culture war issues rather than traditional policy consensus.

The Battle Over SOGI 123

A central pillar of Ms. Findlay’s ideological brand is her fierce opposition to the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI 123) curriculum implemented in British Columbia schools. Ms. Findlay has campaigned on entirely dismantling the programme, aligning herself with anti-trans and parental rights groups.

This position puts her in direct opposition to empirical academic research.

A landmark study led by Dr. Elizabeth Saewyc, a professor at the University of British Columbia (UBC), demonstrated that SOGI 123 has proved highly effective. Dr. Saewyc’s findings revealed that SOGI-inclusive education successfully reduced bullying and sexual orientation discrimination across B.C. schools, yielding safer environments for both LGBTQ+ and heterosexual students alike.

By entirely rejecting Dr. Saewyc’s findings, Ms. Findlay has signaled that ideological alignment takes precedence over academic consensus.

A House Divided: Internal Purges and Controversial Allies

Upon seizing the leadership, Ms. Findlay wasted no time restructuring the party in her own image, executing an uncompromising internal purge. She immediately fired all legislative and party staff who had any lingering connections to the former BC United / BC Liberal apparatus or its former leader, Kevin Falcon.

Furthermore, Ms. Findlay’s inner circle and candidate roster have drawn intense scrutiny for harboring far-right, anti-vaccine, and conspiracy-driven viewpoints.

The Inner Circle

  • Brent Chapman: Findlay’s own husband, now the MLA for Surrey South, has a well-documented history of controversy. During the 2024 provincial election campaign, a series of his historical social media posts were unearthed, revealing deeply Islamophobic and racist content that generated widespread public condemnation;
  • Sheldon Clare (House Leader): Ms. Findlay appointed the MLA for Prince George-North Cariboo as her newly minted House Leader. Mr. Clare, a reserve army officer and the former president of the National Firearms Association (NFA), briefly ran for the leadership himself before dropping out to back Ms. Findlay. He brings a brand of staunchly uncompromising, hard-right gun-rights populism to the legislative floor;
  • Heather Maahs (Leader of the Opposition): Because Ms. Findlay does not currently hold a seat in the BC Legislature, she cannot personally serve as the Leader of the Official Opposition. To fill this vital constitutional role, she bypassed proven, moderate legislative leaders like former interim leader Trevor Halford and former House Leader Áʼa:líya Warbus — a move provincial affairs columnist Vaughn Palmer criticized as dumping seasoned veterans for her hard-right backers. Instead, she installed Heather Maahs, the MLA for Chilliwack North. Maahs, who spent 16 years on the Chilliwack school board, is an unabashed pro-life advocate who recently drew fire for hosting a legislative session with an advocacy group that explicitly regards homosexuality as “immoral.”

This hard-right consolidation has created what former insiders describe as a hostile environment. Former Conservative MLAs Elenore Sturko and Amelia Boultbee both publicly stepped away from the party apparatus, citing a “toxic work environment” driven by ideological extremism, subsequently becoming vocal critics of Findlay’s direction.

The Actuarial Reality of a 2028 Campaign

Beyond the ideological friction, Ms. Findlay faces an inescapable reality: the passage of time. When the next British Columbia provincial election is called in late 2028, Findlay will be entering her 74th year. Should she win and serve a full four-year term as Premier, she would be in her 78th year by its conclusion.

While age alone does not dictate capability, gerontologists and medical institutions like the Mayo Clinic emphasize the compounding physical and cognitive challenges that accompany leadership at this stage of life, as observed globally in political figures like Joe Biden and Donald Trump, or in our 70s as VanRamblings has experienced ourself approaching our 76th birthday, now only 40 days away.

  • Factor: Potential Impact on High-Stress Leadership;
  • Cognitive Function: Gradual declines in cognitive processing speed, reaction time, and the ability to multitask can affect the management of complex, rapid-fire executive daily tasks.;
  • Physical Vitality. A combination of physical fatigue, chronic health conditions (such as arthritis or cardiovascular changes), and sensory declines in vision and hearing that can restrict mobility and lower overall energy reserves;
  • Neurotransmitter Changes: Age-related reductions in serotonin levels that can increase emotional vulnerability, while chronic pain or fatigue can manifest as heightened irritability or agitation under pressure.

Navigating the grueling, 24-hour news cycle of a provincial election and managing a sprawling government requires physical and mental stamina, posing a practical question mark over her long-term tenure.

The Mainstream Disconnect

Would you vote for the woman pictured above to become British Columbia’s 38th Premier?

Ultimately, Kerry-Lynne Findlay’s political future depends on whether her brand of unapologetic populism can survive outside her rural interior voting base.

British Columbia’s electorate has historically favoured a pragmatic, centrist approach to governance. By leaning so heavily into the culture wars, opposing established Indigenous rights frameworks, and platforming fringe rhetoric, Ms. Findlay risks alienating the vital moderate voters of the Lower Mainland and Vancouver Island — voters who decide majorities.

Ms. Findlay enters the arena significantly weighed down. The cloud of the federal Elections Canada investigation remains unresolved, her internal mandate is mathematically microscopic, and her party is deeply divided after the alienation of its moderate wing.

In a province currently grappling with an acute affordability crisis — where the cost of housing remains out of reach, grocery prices continue to skyrocket across every community, and gas prices pinch working families at the pumps — Ms. Findlay’s intense focus on social grievances risks looks profoundly out of touch.

If the B.C. Conservative Party cannot offer reassuring solutions to the daily economic anxieties of the mainstream voter, Ms. Findlay’s hard-right experiment may find itself entirely rejected at the ballot box in 2028.

Can Kerry-Lynne Findlay successfully expand her narrow rural coalition to win over moderate urban voters in the 2028 provincial election? We’re not so sure.

#BCPoli2022 | Prediction: David Eby To Become 37th British Columbia Premier

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At some point on Wednesday, October 19th, former British Columbia NDP Finance Minister Elizabeth Cull, who is overseeing the leadership race that will select the next leader of British Columbia’s New Democratic Party, will make a decision as to whether to allow Anjali Appadurai to run for the party’s leadership.

VanRamblings believes Ms. Cull will deny Ms. Appadurai’s controversial bid to become the next leader of the British Columbia’s New Democratic Party, and as the party currently leads government in Victoria, our province’s 37th Premier select.

From the outset, Ms. Appadurai’s application to a B.C. New Democratic Party leadership contender has been fraught with controversy.


Atiya Jaffar (left) and Anjali Appadurai. Jaffar volunteered to pay membership fees for the prospective BC NDP leadership contender, while on an Instagram live event hosted by Ms. Appadurai. Ms. Appadurai and supporter Jaffar have been under internal investigation for alleged vote buying. Photo: Instagram

“It’s a handful of people that get to decide who our next premier is,” Jaffar told viewers. “Message me if you need the $10, because I’m happy to provide that for you.”

Section 255 of the Elections Act states that an individual or organization must not give, pay, lend or induce an individual to vote for or against a particular candidate. Sept. 4th was the deadline to sign-up new members to decide whether Appadurai or frontrunner David Eby should replace outgoing Premier, John Horgan, this fall.

Jaffar is the senior digital specialist at 350.org, a U.S.-based environmental charity that organizes anti-oil and gas pipeline protests.

Jaffar was integral in the Shut Down Canada campaign in the first quarter of 2020, employing social media platforms to promote illegal blockades at the Port of Vancouver, Deltaport, the Granville Bridge and on CP Rail tracks in East Vancouver. Ms. Jaffar was also involved in the 2020 sit-in at Eby’s Point Grey riding office.

The Dogwood Initiative — a non-profit public interest group based in Victoria, British Columbia — is currently under investigation by Elections BC over whether its use of resources to run a membership drive for Appadurai is an improper in-kind donation. Elections BC has yet to rule on whether the Dogwood Initiative has improperly interfered in the BC NDP leadership race.

“For those who support political parties other than the BC NDP but still want to have a say in this race, you could choose to pause your membership and return after you cast your vote,” wrote Dogwood campaigns manager Alexandra Woodsworth.

“It’s also worth noting that parties don’t share membership lists with one another and there is no penalty for an overlap in your membership as you switch back and forth between parties.”

Anjali Appadurai shared the article on various social media platforms.

From the time Ms. Appadurai announced her bid to become the next — unelected — Premier of the province of British Columbia, Appadurai has criticized a panoply of government policies, declaring David Eby as an establishment candidate.

David Eby, whose roots are in legal advocacy on behalf of homeless and underhoused residents of Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, was appointed British Columbia’s Attorney General in 2017, when the BC New Democrats formed government. Mr. Eby is credited with cleaning up the mess at ICBC, and the money laundering crisis, launching the Cullen Commission (Commission of Inquiry Into Money Laundering in British Columbia), in May 2019. Since the November 2020 B.C. election, Mr. Eby has also acted as British Columbia Minister Responsible for Housing.

Neither camp has released specific numbers, but sources believe Appadurai’s campaign recruited about 11,000 members, perhaps twice as many as was the case with Eby. The party is believed to have had roughly 11,000 members entering the leadership campaign — although the latter 11,000 membership figure is in dispute, as the BC NDP earlier this year required party members to re-apply for provincial NDP membership, separate from the federal party. This reporter was advised that at campaign outset, the party had only 6,000 active members — which, if the case, would give Appadurai an insurmountable lead in the leadership race.

From marching on the picket lines with members of the BCGEU, when union members were picketing and on strike seeking a new contract — settled by the government at 13½% over three years — to announcing that her government would implement a 25% across the board pay increase for nurses, just as the BC Nurses Union was successfully settling their contract with the government, Ms. Appadurai has challenged British Columbia New Democratic Party government orthodoxy, and the actual functioning of the government that she purports to want to lead.

Anjali Appadurai has stated that she would cancel the Site C dam project — near completion, and said to be completed in 2024 — cancel the Trans Mountain pipeline project, and eliminate government subsidies of the LNG project in the North of our province — proposing to shut the project down entirely, should she become the leader of the provincial NDP — while also, with the stroke of a pen, eliminating the British Columbia government’s subsidy of the province’s fossil fuel industry.

If such action were to be taken by an Anjali Appadurai-led B.C. government — a government which was not elected to a majority in 2020 proposing the policies Ms. Appadurai espouses — thousands of workers in the north would be thrown out of work, including members of the 60 Indigenous bands who are currently working on the Site C, LNG and Trans Mountain pipeline projects, never mind the multi-billion dollar breach of contract law suits that would be filed in B.C. Courts.

The above written, VanRamblings is hardly a supporter of the Site C dam project, nor are we particularly thrilled with the twinning of the Trans Mountain pipeline, not to mention that we believe that the LNG project portends not only environmental degradation, but given the number of earthquakes up north in recent weeks and a months, disaster and tragedy for those who live in the North.

So, why then are we seeming to oppose Anjali Appadurai’s bid to lead the British Columbia New Democratic Party? The answer: realpolitik, defined as “politics based on practical and pragmatic factors rather than on moral, theoretical, ideological or ethical objectives, commonly known as the politics of reality.”

Here’s the bottom line: Anjali Appardurai has not secured the support of one sitting BC NDP MLA elected to government and sitting in the Legislature in Victoria, while David Eby has the bold support of 48 members of the New Democratic Party caucus, out of 57 elected NDP, the 9 other MLAs prevented from weighing in, so as to avoid a conflict of interest (think: the Premier, Deputy Premier, Speaker of the House & Deputy Speakers, and the government house whip, and others).

Why would Anjali Appadurai want to lead a party that doesn’t want her, doesn’t agree with her policy orientation, would pass a motion of non-confidence in her, and refuse to seat her as Premier, if she achieved the majority support of “party members”, in what many believe would be a hostile takeover of the party?

If Ms. Appadurai is truly a supporter of the BC NDP, as she states, why would she risk throwing the party, the government and the province into chaos were she to win the B.C. New Democratic Party’s leadership race, the inevitable end result of which would be the rejection of her leadership by members of the BC NDP caucus?

There is precedence, recent precedence, for a political party rejecting the application of a leadership hopeful.  For instance …

  • Aaron Gunn whose bid to become leader of the B.C. Liberal party was soundly rejected for espousing views that “we believe are inconsistent with the Liberal party’s commitment to reconciliation, diversity and acceptance of all people in B.C.”
  • Patrick Brown, whose recent bid to lead the federal Conservative party was rejected by the Tory party committee charged with running the leadership race, who unanimously disqualified the one time leader of the Ontario Conservative Party, current Brampton Mayor, and Conservative Party leadership hopeful.

The party decides.

VanRamblings believes that late Wednesday morning, or early in the afternoon, Elizabeth Cull will announce that Anjali Appadurai’s application to enter the BC NDP leadership race has been rejected. Ms. Cull will explain why. The decision as to whether to accept or reject Ms. Appardurai’s application is entirely a matter for the party to decide. The party has decided; it is now up to Elizabeth Cull to carry out the wishes of members of the Executive Council of the BC NDP, and of all the members of the BC NDP caucus — lest the province be thrown into political chaos.

Time for John Horgan to step down, and David Eby to step forward to become British Columbia’s 37th Premier, and get on with the job of governing our province.