Tag Archives: british columbia new democratic party

#BCPoli | A Puzzling, Undecided Election Result


NDPer David Eby wins but loses, Green Sonia Furstenau loses, Con John Rustad sort of wins, for now

The 2024 British Columbia provincial election has set the stage for an extended period of uncertainty and ongoing and troubling political tension.


B.C. NDP supporter reacts as election night results come in (Darryl Dyck/The Canadian Press)

With the BC NDP securing 46 seats, pending a hand count of the ballots in at least two ridings where the vote was close , and the BC Conservatives close behind with 45, the situation is too close to call definitively until the final results, including mail-in ballots, are released on October 28, seven excruciating days from today.

The dynamics are further complicated by the two ridings where Green Party members were elected, and the Saturday night defeat of leader Sonia Furstenau.

David Eby’s path to once again becoming Premier and forming a government hinges on a confidence and supply agreement with the two elected Green MLAs, echoing the 2017 arrangement that brought the BC NDP to power. Eby’s focus on health care reform, particularly the establishment of community clinics, could be a key part of negotiations with the Greens, as Furstenau has made this a priority.

John Rustad and the BC Conservatives’ success, especially in rural areas, positions them as a formidable opposition. Rustad’s call for a new election highlights his confidence in gaining a majority, especially if he manages to unify some of the former BC United candidates who could have tipped the balance in his favour.

The inclusion of controversial conspiracy theorists and anti-vaxxers among the new BC Conservative MLAs introduces a wildcard element to the Legislature, potentially influencing policy debates and public discourse in unpredictable ways. BC’s political landscape is entering a period of heightened polarization, with urban-rural divides and deep ideological differences set to dominate in the coming months.

For Premier David Eby, the 2024 election marks both a personal victory and a daunting political challenge. His BC NDP narrowly held onto power in key urban ridings, particularly in Vancouver, where they won 11 of 12 seats. This urban dominance, especially in Vancouver, helped stave off what could have been a catastrophic defeat for the British Columbia New Democrats, given the rising popularity of the BC Conservatives. However, the BC NDP fell short of the majority needed to govern outright in the 93-seat legislature, placing Eby in a precarious position where his political future hinges on complex negotiations and compromises.

The Rise of the BC Conservatives and John Rustad’s Ambitions

While the BC NDP barely held their ground, the BC Conservatives, led by John Rustad, surged to unprecedented heights, winning 45 seats and dominating much of the rural and interior regions of the province. This represents a dramatic shift in BC’s political landscape, as the Conservatives capitalized on widespread discontent in regions such as the Fraser Valley, the Okanagan, and the North. These areas, which have traditionally felt underrepresented in provincial politics, rallied around Rustad’s message of rural empowerment, deregulation, and resistance to what many see as overreach by the urban-centric NDP.

Rustad’s success is particularly striking given the collapse of BC United, the former centre-right party that was once a dominant force in provincial politics.

Many former BC United voters shifted their support to the BC Conservatives, and Rustad has positioned himself as the new leader of the province’s right-wing movement. Rustad has been vocal in calling for a new election, believing that with just a few more seats, he could secure a majority government. Indeed, had Rustad allowed key figures like Lumby Mayor Kevin Acton and Josh Stein in Vancouver-Langara to run as BC Conservative candidates rather than Independents, he might very well have been in a position to become Premier, and govern British Columbia.


As BC citizens await the final results, the province stands at a political crossroads.


Juan de Fuca-Malahat: 23 votes separate NDPer Dana Lajeunesse & Conservative Marina Sapozhnikov.

Note should be made that, at present, there are 49,000 outstanding mail-in votes that are yet to be counted. The count of the mail-in ballots and the hand count in two ridings could very well alter the outcome of the British Columbia election.

  • The B.C. Conservatives were leading in Surrey-Guildford by a margin of 0.6 per cent late on election night. That party’s candidate, Honveer Singh Randhawa, was ahead of NDP incumbent Garry Begg by 102 votes;
  • The rookie candidates for both parties in Kelowna-Centre were separated by only 0.6 per cent. Conservative, realtor Kristina Loewen was leading the City Councillor, the NDP’s Loyal Woodridge by only 148 votes;
  • Meanwhile, the difference in the race in Courtenay-Comox, between NDP incumbent Ronna-Rae Leonard and the Conservatives’ Brennan Day was 0.7 per cent, with the Conservatives ahead by 232 votes, in that traditionally swing riding.

When the results of the hand count, and the inclusion of the mail-in ballots are announced on October 28th, we’ll know the true outcome of Election 2024.


Surrey City Centre. 96 votes separate the BC NDP’s Amna Shaw and the Conservatives’ Zeeshan Wahla.


The urban-rural divide has deepened, and the ideological gap between the BC NDP and the BC Conservatives will lead to polarization and a contentious Legislature. In the coming months, the province’s political leaders will need to navigate these divisions carefully, as the future of British Columbia hangs in the balance.

How Do Other Political Observers Feel About Saturday’s Election Results?

Business in Vancouver Legislative reporter Rob Shaw: David Eby lost the election.

Despite running with all the advantages of government right up until the writ drop on September 21 — in the form of near-infinite money — resources and power, the Eby administration managed to squander the massive majority and record popularity left to it by predecessor John Horgan.

The NDP was brought to its knees by a BC Conservative party it argued was full of racist, homophobic, science-denying whackos, unfit to even run for public office, let alone hold it. Turns out, not everyone sees the world through the lens of moral superiority that New Democrats do.

Rob Shaw is must reading, with the best post-election political analysis you’ll read anywhere, as he tags Eby for the bare win, but actual loss.


John Rustad and wife Kim at the Conservative after-election event. Photo by Arlen Redekop /PNG.

PostMedia Legislative columnist Vaughn Palmer also blames Eby for the bare win, actual loss, and ponders whether Eby can hold on as leader of the BC NDP.

“Never lacking confidence in himself,” Palmer writes, “Eby vowed to govern until the scheduled election date and show results people could see, feel, touch and experience.

“How’s that working out?” One imagines more than a few New Democrats saying that as they saw their party once again thrown into the arms of the Greens to preserve its hold on power.

The second thing that some might question is Eby’s take-no-prisoners personal attacks on Rustad and the Conservatives.

Eby never seemed to allow that voters might have greater concerns — crime, the drug crisis, housing prices, overcrowded emergency rooms — than a seven-year-old social media posting, however appalling.

Had he toned down the moral superiority, he might have done better with voters who were wanting change.

Yet after presiding over a campaign dominated by vicious, personal attacks, on Saturday night he proclaimed himself “a Premier to bring us together, not drive us apart.’”

Can Eby, having done so badly, survive as leader of an NDP that has done in leaders that disappointed it in the past?”


BC Conservative Leader John Rustad poses for an election night photo. Ethan Cairns | Canadian Press.

Veteran Globe and Mail columnist Gary Mason sticks to the facts, and how David Eby must move forward to retain power in the Legislative assembly in Victoria.

“Barring a change from the current results, the NDP holds a one-seat advantage over the Conservatives,” writes Mason.

“To form a majority it needed 47 seats, so the party will need the help of the two B.C. Green Party MLAs to make a legislative agenda work. The NDP would almost assuredly have to sacrifice one MLA to the position of Speaker, which would make its hold on power even more tenuous.

It’s hard to imagine the Greens ever agreeing to work with Mr. Rustad to give his party a shot at governing, given the Conservatives’ views on climate change and environmental matters more generally.

Mr. Rustad is a proud climate denier. While that seems astonishing in this day and age, I’m certain his skepticism around the science of climate change and COVID vaccines helped boost his popularity. There are many people in B.C., especially in rural parts of the province, that cheered Mr. Rustad on around these issues.

There are others who aren’t likely thrilled over those stands, or even cringe when they think of possibly being governed by a man who is stuck in the dark ages when it comes to climate change, but were willing to set those feelings aside to vote for change.

There was definitely an anti-David Eby sentiment that was pervasive in this election.

Regardless of what happens in the near future, Mr. Eby will need to take a hard look at his progressive agenda over the past two years and ask: Was it too much, too fast?”

Press Progress editor Luke LeBrun writes a must-read article on the Far-Right BC Conservative Candidates who are now BC legislators.

For instance, Tara Armstrong (Kelowna-Lake Country-Coldstream), who claimed a medical doctor who was encouraging the public to get vaccinated was “bought and paid for by big pharma” and a “total fraud.”

Suffice to say, we live in troubling times.

Let all those who cast themselves as progressives hope that David Eby can get his act together, and the BC NDP — when the next election rolls around — runs a more energetic and inspiring campaign, rather than the lacklustre, lethargic, utterly enervating, tone deaf, and uninspiring campaign the party chose to run in 2024.


For those of you who can’t get enough of democracy, and the elections which decide the nature of governance, you will be heartened to know that the 2024 New Brunswick general election is being held today, Monday, October 21st, 2024, where 49 members will be elected to the New Brunswick Legislative Assembly. The election was called at the dissolution of the 60th Assembly, September 19, 2024.

The incumbent Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick (PC) government — which has proved to be hardly that, progressive we mean — led by Premier Blaine Higgs since 2018, is seeking a third consecutive term in office.

Higgs’ government has been mired in controversy over the past couple of years, with one high profile Minister after enough resigning from Higgs’ Cabinet in disgust, arising from Higgs’ intolerant decision to jettison New Brunswick’s version of the SOGI 123 programme that, you know, actually treats gender variant / LGBTQ+ children as if they matter — looks to be headed for defeat tonight.

Even if BC voters don’t have their heads screwed on straight — Higgs = Rustad — at least New Brunswickers of conscience do. Yay, is all we can say.

The PCs’ primary opponent is the New Brunswick Liberal Association led by Susan Holt, who is looking tonight to become the province’s 61st Premier.


VanRamblings will take a much needed break, through until late on October 28th.

#BCPoli | A Re-Elected David Eby and a BC NDP Majority Government

The Angus Reid Institute surveyed 2863 citizens in every riding across the province — online, on the phone and in focus groups — a statistically valid sampling of a representative group of voters in each riding / region of the province, and predicts a majority NDP government will be elected on October 19.

Come 9pm this upcoming Saturday night — October 19th, 2024 — incorporating an up-to-date riding by riding analysis, and a representative cross-sampling of the twenty most reliable polling companies which have weighed in and reported out on the 2024 British Columbia election, VanRamblings has come to believe the good citizens of British Columbia will elect David Eby to a full term of office, as our province’s duly-elected Premier-designate, as the British Columbia New Democratic Party is set to enjoy majority government through the autumn of 2028, with a good prospect of being re-elected to office again that year.


The Honourable Thomas R. Berger, leader of the British Columbia New Democratic Party in 1969.

For a good long while, VanRamblings believed that the BC NDP’s 2024 campaign for office bore a distinct relation to Tom Berger’s failed and far too “intellectual”, professorial and “coldly calculating” NDP campaign for office, in 1969.

VanRamblings no longer believes that to be the case.

Over the course of the past 10 days — in the post-debate period — the conditions of the 2024 BC NDP campaign have been radically reset, as a warmer David Eby has emerged on the campaign trail, no longer providing deadly boring lectur-y and utterly enervating policy pronouncements devoid of humanity.

Instead what British Columbians have seen in televised press conferences held in, for example, Courtenay-Comox, Campbell River and Surrey, is a David Eby who radiates warmth, the David Eby many of us know so well — the David Eby who consistently polled at a 53% approval rating for the past two years, as Canada’s most popular Premier — once again emerging on B.C.’s political stage, humble and comfortable in his skin — not to mention, affable and engaging — while providing the information British Columbians need to know before they cast their ballot.

VanRamblings advised B.C. NDP leader David Eby to be more aggressive on the campaign trail. David Eby, wisely, ignored VanRamblings’ advice, instead saying to himself, “Well, if I’m going to lose this campaign, I’m going to lose it being me, not as some automaton the campaign created.” David Eby has, as we expected would be the case, taken charge of his campaign for re-election over the course of the past ten days, his waggish sense of humour and his love of the province and all of its citizens front and centre in a rejuvenated and re-energized B.C. NDP campaign.


BC NDP leader Glen Clark emerges victorious and Premier-designate in 1996’s British Columbia election

Then we got to thinking, “If the correlation between the failed 1969 BC NDP campaign and the 2024 BC NDP campaign for office doesn’t hold water, what about the 1996 election, when Glen Clark became Premier, in spite of the fact that Gordon Campbell’s insurgent B.C. Liberal party garnered 43% of the popular vote to Mr. Clark’s 39% of the vote, yet due to ‘voter efficiency,’  the British Columbia New Democratic Party would form and hold government from 1996 through 2001?”

The BC NDP in 2024 have consistently polled five points ahead of the BC Conservatives. What if a situation occurred in 2024 that, although the BC NDP is polling ahead of the BC Conservatives, on a riding-by-riding basis and in the targeted riding campaign BC Conservative co-campaign manager, Dimitri  Pantazopoulos has run, BC Conservatives pull ahead on the seat count on election night to form government, despite winning fewer votes than their BC NDP rival?

Nah, we concluded. Too many differences between the 1996 and 2024 campaigns.

The upstart BC Conservatives are running a seat-of-their-pants election, devoid of a GOTV (Get Out the Vote) electoral machine necessary to win government, with much less money, many more untried candidates, and in a campaign that is rife with … see below as to what we believe to be a more relevant campaign correlation that may well inform the outcome of the 2024 British Columbia election.

On March 26th of this year, VanRamblings published a prescient column titled, Bozo Eruptions Disrupt Election Campaign, where we tracked then Alberta Wildrose party leader Danielle Smith’s failed bid for office.

See if you don’t think that there’s a correlation between Danielle Smith’s failed 2012 campaign for office, and the BC Conservative’s calamitous 2024 campaign.

As Stuart Thompson wrote, at the time, in The National Post

It is a surefire rule of politics that at any given moment, somewhere in Canada a bozo is about to erupt.

Just as a political campaign is looking to flip the script, or turn the corner, or recapture the narrative, some bozo will ruin it for them, prompting damage control, tearful apologies, or, in the most severe cases, a resignation.

The bozos simply can’t stop themselves from erupting.

Conservative strategist Tom Flanagan, who ran Smith’s 2012 campaign, oversaw one of the most memorable stretches of bozo eruptions in Canadian political history: Smith wanted a big tent party, and open and unvetted candidate nominations.

Two days after the 2012 election was called, a Wildrose candidate’s year-old blog post was unearthed declaring that all gays were destined for a “lake of fire”. Smith refused to rebuke her candidate, saying the party “accepts a wide range of views.” And the hits just kept on comin’ for the Wildrose campaign, as day after day after day, a new candidate bozo eruption garnered front page coverage, and the lead story status on the evening news.

Danielle Smith’s dreams of becoming the Wildrose Premier were dashed, the party 20 points behind their polling on Election Day.

Danielle Smith’s failure to rebuke a candidate. Kind of sounds like BC Conservative Party leader John Rustad, who has consistently refused to censure any racist, intolerant, misogynist and homophobic utterance by any of his candidates.

What does the above have to do with British Columbia’s October 19th election?

Everything.

From the day after the Leaders’ Debate through until today, the BC Conservative campaign has been dogged by the shocking controversy surrounding their Surrey South candidate, Brent Chapman, such that the entire focus of leader John Rustad’s campaign for office has not been on the issues he’s raised at the daily press conferences he has held over the past week. Talk about being off message.


Brent Chapman, the B.C. Conservative Party’s Surrey South candidate, has said that what happened at residential schools is a “massive fraud”, called for a “boycott” of Air Canada to stop airlifts of Syrian refugees, questioned high profile mass shootings such as Sandy Hook elementary school where 20 children were murdered, while denying the white nationalist terrorist attack on a Québec City mosque.

Think of Rustad’s BC Ferries press conference, which got buried in an avalanche of questions put to the leader about whether Brent Chapman would be allowed to continue as a candidate for the BC Conservative Party in the riding of Surrey South.

The entire focus of reporter questions related to the ongoing, disastrous Brent Chapman fiasco, with no questions whatsoever on the BC Conservative plan for BC Ferries, or on subsequent days on the BC Conservative issue of the day, as the BC Conservative campaign was consistently held off message.

Can you say, devastating, calamitous, detrimental, hapless and noxious?

Chapman also shared a graphic posted by a far-right meme account.

The graphic features images of two handguns and the silhouettes of two heads.

“To those liberals who said they would kill themselves if Trump were elected,” the graphic states. “Don’t fuck this up too.”

The graphic suggests “liberals” should aim the gun at the centre of their brain rather than at their chin, an apparent reference to how best to commit suicide.

The most damning Chapman post — and destructive to the BC Conservative campaign — occurred surrounding the resurfacing of past statements demonizing Muslims and Palestinians, accusing them of “inbreeding.”

Why destructive to the BC Conservative campaign? Well, just see above.

Also, because 43% of the voters in the Surrey-Cloverdale riding where former BC United MLA, Elenore Sturko, who joined the BC Conservatives in June — who, only two weeks ago was polling at 56% in the riding, as Brent Chapman’s extremist anti-Muslim rants came to light has seen her potential to win the riding evaporate, as NDP incumbent Mike Starchuk, with the full support of the 43% Muslim electorate, is now set to win the riding Saturday night, and re-election to the BC Legislature.


Keith Baldrey, veteran Global BC Legislative reporter

On Mike Smyth’s CKNW talk show, Global BC reporter Keith Baldrey stated that Elenore Sturko was fully aware of Brent Chapman’s extreme views before she decided to run alongside him, as Ms. Sturko described Chapman as “an extremist” and a “QAnon conspiracy theorist” shortly before she defected.

“A week before Sturko made her jump, her announcement that she’s going to join the BC Conservatives, I ran into her in the Legislature library. And in my Facebook feed was suddenly a video from Brent Chapman and it was sort of about his candidacy. And I didn’t know him, I didn’t know he was married to (federal Conservative MP) Kerry-Lynne Findlay … I said to Sturko, “Oh, so you’re running against an actor?” And she says, “Oh, this guy, he’s a…” and she called him “an extremist,” said he was a ‘QAnon conspiracy theorist, that he’s crazy, you know.’ And at that point, she was still a member of BC United.” (CKNW, Oct 10)

All of the unsettling and disturbing news that has emanated from the BC Conservative campaign, following a dreadful — what CHEK-TV reporter Rob Shaw called a cadaver-like — Leaders’ Debate performance by John Rustad, giving the “win” to David Eby at 48%, with only 32% support for John Rustad, has caused the BC Conservative campaign not only to stall, as the party continues to lose momentum and more and more voter support with each passing day, but to recede, or perhaps even collapse, making a BC Conservative win on Saturday, at best unlikely.

As occurred in 2012 during that year’s Alberta election, come Election Day when Danielle Smith’s Wildrose Party lost 16 percentage points in support due to the day after day, drip by drip revelations of racism, intolerance and the hate espoused by many of her candidates, VanRamblings believes, come Saturday, when the vast majority of British Columbians will cast their ballot at the polls, British Columbians of conscience will make the decision to cast their ballot for the principled candidate for Premier, David Eby, and a British Columbia New Democratic Party where you have heard nary a whisper of intolerance, because as British Columbians we realize when we enter our local polling station, the only reasonable political party to vote for to form government will be the British Columbia New Democratic Party.


You’ll want to watch / listen to what former BC NDP Premier Glen Clark has to say about the 2024 British Columbia provincial election. If you don’t see the Hotel Pacifico podcast YouTube video above, you can listen to it here or here or here.

#BCPoli | B.C. NDP Advertising Fails, and Necessary Remedies


B.C. NDP ads that have not resonated with a public anxious for change — whatever change might mean.

The 2024 provincial election in British Columbia is proving to be a pivotal moment for the British Columbia New Democratic Party (B.C. NDP), as they seek to retain power under the goal-directed, activist leadership of Premier David Eby.

However, their campaign ads have faced criticism for failing to connect with the electorate, especially at a time when voters are deeply concerned about housing, inflation, and health care. As British Columbians head to the polls, with advance voting already underway, the B.C. NDP needs to urgently revamp their messaging to effectively counter the rising threat posed by the possible, and increasingly likely, election of a  B.C. Conservative Party majority government on October 19.


To access the “John Rustad is a career politician” British Columbia New Democratic Party ad click here.

One of the B.C. NDP ads that has been running almost continually since long before the actual campaign got underway on September 21st, is the “John Rustad is a career politician, with a history of costing you more,” an ad that has driven CHEK-TV / Business in Vancouver Legislative reporter Rob Shaw around the bend.

Rob Shaw is anxious to point out that Mike Farnworth, B.C.’s Minister of Public Safety and Solicitor General before dissolution of the Legislature, has served in the Legislature dating back to 1997, when then B.C. NDP Premier Glen Clark appointed Mr. Farnworth Minister of Municipal Affairs and Housing — a full eight years before Mr. Rustad entered the Legislature, as the MLA for Prince George–Omineca.

Where does the B.C. NDP get off, then, calling John Rustad a “career politician”?

One of the main critiques of the B.C. NDP’s 2024 campaign ads is that they have failed to boldly and effectively address the key concerns of voters across British Columbia, particularly around housing affordability and rent control.

Let’s take a look at the “rent cap” legislation brought in by populist, working class B.C. NDP Premier John Horgan in 2019, in response to a B.C. Rental Housing Task Force report, written by and presented to the Premier by B.C. NDP Member of the Legislature representing Vancouver-West End, Spencer Chandra Herbert.

Prior to January 2019, the rent increase formula was inflation plus two per cent.

Premier John Horgan told a full session of the Legislature in the spring of 2019 that rent increases of inflation plus two per cent was “simply not sustainable for renters, many of whom are on fixed incomes, to see their rent increase by more than inflation each and every year.” Premier Horgan then brought in legislation that capped rents at the rate of inflation that was passed by the House.

By far the number one concern that has been expressed to VanRamblings, in the lines we’ve waited in at this year’s 43rd edition of the Vancouver International Film Festival, on the street when we’ve run into friends, or in coffee shops around town is the proposal of B.C. Conservative Party leader John Rustad to remove rent caps that he considers to be a burden to landlords.

One longtime friend and professional associate told VanRamblings the following:

“For the past 25 years, I have lived in an apartment in Burnaby, where the rent has gone up most years. Even so, thanks to the NDP’s rent cap legislation — given how out of control the rental market has become in recent years — my rent is still an affordable $850 per month, given my long tenure. The resident who recently moved into the apartment next door to me pays the market rent for his apartment of $1575 a month. Should John Rustad revoke the NDP’s rent cap legislation, I expect that my rent will go up 10% a year until I am paying more than double what I’m paying now, as the landlord increases my rent to the market rate. I don’t know what I’d do in such a circumstance. I’d be in dire, unconscionable straits, and would have to consider moving out of town.”

The story above is writ large across the entire province of British Columbia, as 600,000 renters would find themselves in the same dire circumstance as my friend.

The response of the B.C. NDP “not on your side government” to the egregious circumstance that will befall renters should a John Rustad-led Conservative Party be elected to government:  a namby-pamby ad that glosses over the rent cap removal topic, underplaying its impact — if it addresses the consequences of the rent cap removal (which it utterly fails to do) at all — should John Rustad’s commitment to the landlord class — over renters — come to pass post the October 19th election.

That’s our David Eby for ya.

Playing it right down the middle, doesn’t want to appear too radical, doesn’t want to upset landlords — heaven forbid! — while he leaves hundreds of thousands of renters to hang out to dry. Mr. Eby: you are going to have to decide whose side you’re on: the landlord class, or all those British Columbians who pay rent.

What’s it gonna be, sir?

The B.C. New Democrats, with a little more than two weeks to go before Election Day, are going to have to decide whose side they’re on, in a way their lacklustre campaign has utterly failed to do as the 2024 provincial election has unfolded.

Enough with those ineffectual ads the B.C. NDP have run the first two weeks of the campaign, ads that woefully ill serve the interests of potential B.C. NDP voters.

What the B.C. NDP must do: run saturation ads featuring British Columbians from across the province, addressing in stark terms the impact that removal of the rent cap will have on their family: British Columbians in every region of the province, British Columbians in every age and cultural demographic, real “live” human beings — you know, the British Columbians the B.C. NDP campaign has steadfastly ignored to date. Stop with this arrogant, condescending top-down nonsense.

Does the B.C. NDP brain trust not see how wildly effective the ads are that are being run by the Democratic Party in Washington state, just below our border, ads that really resonate, ads that always, always, always feature Washingtonians warning their fellow citizens about the perils that would occur should Republicans be elected to lead state government? Why are we not seeing those kinds of ads here?

Let’s hear from real British Columbians — not an anonymous voice over in an ad.

All ads to be run by the B.C. New Democrats in the final two weeks of the campaign must feature British Columbians warning their fellow citizens on what a John Rustad government would mean to the quality of their lives, and their children’s lives, covering a range of topics: climate change — which Mr. Rustad effectively denies, John Rustad’s plans to ban books in public schools to stop what he considers to be “indoctrination” by teachers, the revocation of the SOGI 123 legislation that protects vulnerable tweens and teens enrolled in our public education system, a John Rustad-led government that would not build affordable housing co-ops on Crown land as proposed by David Eby’s NDP government, and so very much more.

Make no mistake: vulnerable British Columbians are going to die, who otherwise might live, should John Rustad be elected to government come October 19th.

That is a message that will resonate with voters, if told properly and bluntly.

#BCPoli | Affordable Housing Plan | Part 2 |
BC New Democratic Party

Premier David Eby and the B.C. New Democratic Party (NDP) have developed a comprehensive housing plan aimed at addressing British Columbia’s escalating affordability crisis. The second plank in the B.C. NDP’s housing plan specifically targets individuals and families earning between $30,000 and $88,000 annually, aiming to provide affordable co-operative housing on a large scale.

The B.C. New Democrats’ housing plan emphasizes the use of municipal, provincial, and federal Crown land for the construction of housing co-ops, offering long-term leases — typically on a 66-or-99 year leasehold basis — to keep costs down.


The Railyard Housing Co-operative, built on Crown land, 135-units, with bachelor-1-2-3-and-4 bedroom units, priced well below the market. Includes two child care centres, with spaces for up to 130 children.

Additionally, municipalities would forego development fees — saving up to $1.5 to $4.5 million, depending on the size of the housing co-op, and number of units — significantly reducing the cost of building, thereby allowing these newly-built housing co-op homes to remain affordable for middle-income earners.

The strategy to build co-operative housing on government land is a notable aspect of the B.C. NDP’s approach to solving the housing crisis.

Co-operative housing, which offers more stability and community engagement than traditional rental housing, is a model where residents collectively own the housing but do not own individual units.

This model has proven successful in other parts of Canada and Europe, providing long-term affordability and community-driven management.

One of the key elements of the plan is its focus on affordability through leasehold arrangements on public land.


A town house-style housing co-operative built on Crown land in Vancouver’s River District

By leasing land rather than selling it outright to developers, the government can ensure that the affordability of these homes is maintained for generations. The 66- or 99-year lease term provides security for families and individuals, allowing them to build long-term roots without the fear of skyrocketing rent or property values.


The 65-unit purpose built rental building at 2nd and Larch in Vancouver, with 14 studio, one, two and three-bedroom units set aside at CMHC’s median market rental rate, at $1000 – $1250 per month

The B.C. NDP has also introduced a provincial mandate that requires all new purpose-built rental housing to allocate 20% of units at the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) median market rental rates.

These CMHC rates are typically much lower than the market rates in hot real estate markets like Vancouver and Victoria.

By ensuring that a portion of new rental units are priced affordably, the provincial government hopes to address the growing rental affordability gap.

This is particularly significant as purpose-built rental housing often commands higher rents than older rental stock, leaving many renters — especially families — struggling to find affordable, stable homes.

In addition to building new housing, the B.C. NDP has a long-standing policy of purchasing existing apartment buildings to preserve affordable housing.

By acquiring older buildings, the government prevents private developers from converting them into luxury condos or raising rents beyond the means of current tenants. This approach has been lauded for ensuring that affordable housing remains available across municipalities, where market pressures often push lower-income residents out of desirable urban areas.

Premier David Eby has stated that the B.C. NDP will continue this strategy, helping to protect vulnerable renters from displacement due to real estate speculation.

In stark contrast, John Rustad’s B.C. Conservative Party has yet to present a comprehensive housing plan. The absence of a clear policy to address the affordability crisis leaves many wondering how the party intends to tackle one of the most pressing issues facing British Columbians.


Premier David Eby addresses a gathering of real estate and urban development professionals Thursday, Sept. 12, 2024, at the Paradox Hotel Vancouver | Photo: Rachel Thexton

Premier David Eby believes the B.C. Conservatives should release more particulars of their housing policies, with the October 19th election just over one month away.

Speaking at a meeting of real estate and urban development professionals last Thursday, the B.C. NDP leader said voters deserve to know what exactly the Conservatives intend to do on housing if they win a majority in the upcoming vote and form a new government.

“I would like to know what the Conservative housing plan is,” Eby told the audience at an industry event hosted by Urban Land Institute BC. “I think for housing to be on the ballot for people, they have to actually understand what their choices are that are coming forward.”

While Rustad has criticized the B.C. NDP for their housing initiatives, he has offered little in the way of a concrete solution. The B.C. Conservatives’ silence on this issue is particularly concerning given the housing crisis’s impact on the province’s middle- and lower-income families.

Moreover, the B.C. Conservative Party’s proposals related to rental housing would exacerbate the housing affordability problem.

Rustad’s party advocates for removing the cap on rent increases, a move that would disproportionately harm renters, particularly those on fixed or lower incomes.

Without rent control, landlords would have the freedom to increase rents at will, further straining families who already struggle to afford housing. This policy would worsen inequity in a rental market that already heavily favours landlords.

Additionally, the B.C. Conservatives have proposed further empowering landlords, potentially reducing tenant protections and making it easier for landlords to evict tenants or raise rents. This shift would create an even more unequal dynamic between landlords and tenants, where renters — many of whom are low- or middle-income families — would have little recourse against rent hikes or evictions.

Families relying on affordable rental housing would be hit hardest, with fewer options to find stable, affordable homes.

— David Eby (@Dave_Eby) September 16, 2024

In contrast, Premier David Eby’s B.C. NDP housing plan aims to strike a balance between affordability and housing supply, ensuring families earning between $30,000 and $88,000 can access housing without being priced out of the market.

David Eby’s emphasis on co-operative housing, along with the mandate for affordable rental units in new developments, represents a long-term strategy to combat housing unaffordability in British Columbia. This stands in direct opposition to the B.C. Conservatives’ pro-landlord, anti-renter policies, which would likely lead to higher rents, more evictions, and an exacerbation of the housing crisis.

The contrast between the B.C. NDP and the B.C. Conservatives on housing is stark.

While the B.C. NDP have laid out a multi-faceted plan that seeks to provide affordable housing to middle-income families, protect renters, and increase housing supply, Rustad and the B.C. Conservativesoffer a vision that favours landlords, weakens tenant protections, and risks pushing more families into housing insecurity.

As the housing crisis continues to dominate the political landscape in British Columbia, voters will need to decide which approach best addresses their needs — an inclusive, affordable, multi-faceted housing strategy, or a hands-off market approach that prioritizes developers and property owners over renters.


The B.C. NDP’s Housing Plan, Part 1 — Dignified Supportive Housing