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#BCPoli | Kerry-Lynne Findlay, BC Conservatives | Is The Maple MAGA Leader Unfit To Become Premier?

Kerry-Lynne Findlay, the new B.C. Conservative Party leader

The Iron Fist in a Velvet Glove: The Ascent of Kerry-Lynne Findlay

On May 30, 2026, the Rocky Mountaineer Station in Vancouver played host to an ideological tug-of-war that would reshape the political landscape of British Columbia. When the fourth and final ballot of the Conservative Party of BC leadership race settled, Kerry-Lynne Findlay emerged victorious. But the crown she inherited is heavy, fractured, and forged in the fires of an intense internal civil war.

Ms. Findlay, a 71-year-old veteran of the Stephen Harper era, successfully positioned herself as a “conservative by conviction, not by convenience,” rallying a base that favoured a hard-right ideological shift over centrist moderation.

Yet, as she takes the helm of the province’s Official Opposition, her victory is over-shadowed by a razor-thin mandate, serious federal compliance investigations, and deep fractures within her own ranks.

A Razor-Thin Mandate from the Hinterlands

To understand the challenge ahead for Ms. Findlay is to understand just how narrow her path to victory truly was. Her battle against political commentator and former BC United vice-president Caroline Elliott was an absolute photo finish.


For VanRamblings (and her leadership campaign manager, Kory Teneycke), it is almost impossible to believe that a competent, articulate, younger, electable Caroline Elliott lost to Kerry-Lynne Findlay

As provincial affairs columnist Vaughn Palmer noted in the Vancouver Sun, Ms. Findlay topped Ms. Elliott by a mere 60 raw votes out of more than 22,000 ballots cast. Under the party’s riding-weighted system, this translated to a 51% to 49% victory — the narrowest possible margin for democratic legitimacy.

More telling than the margin is the geographic and demographic divide it exposed:

  • The Urban-Rural Split: Ms. Findlay’s victory was not built in the urban or suburban centres of the Lower Mainland. In Vancouver proper, she captured just 17% of first-round support, and only 14% in West Vancouver-Sea-to-Sky;
  • The Northern Surge: Her true base of power lay in the northern, rural, and resource-dependent heartlands. In ridings like Stikine-Bulkley Valley — a region dotted with heavily Christian towns and areas deeply entangled in resource development debates — Ms. Findlay dominated, capturing 59% of the vote.

By rejecting the more centrist visions put forward by her former rivals — current MLA Peter Miloba, former BC Liberal MLA Iain Black, and Ms. Elliott herself — Ms. Findlay consolidated a populism rooted outside the major metropolitan areas.

The Ghost of 2025: Elections Canada Allegations

Compounding the structural divisions within her party is a serious external vulnerability. Ms. Findlay enters her provincial leadership under a distinct legal and ethical cloud stemming from her recent political past.

During the 2025 federal election, Ms. Findlay lost her seat as the Member of Parliament for South Surrey — White Rock. However, the fallout from that campaign continues to loom large. An ongoing Elections Canada investigation features severe allegations regarding her campaign’s financial and operational conduct:

The Allegations Under Investigation:

  • Undeclared Corporate Benefits: It is alleged that Ms. Findlay’s campaign received $75,000 in undeclared and unpaid services from a private corporation;
  • Quid Pro Quo: Investigators suggest these corporate services were provided in exchange for promises of lucrative federal contracts down the road;
  • Foreign National Canvassing: Perhaps most damagingly, the investigation further suggests that approximately 50 individuals described as foreign nationals without legal status actively canvassed on behalf of Ms. Findlay during the campaign. Ms. Findlay has dismissed the investigation as standard political friction, but the potential for formal sanctions provides constant ammunition for her political opponents.

Pulling the Party to the Right: The Culture War Focus

In a comprehensive profile for the online journal The Tyee, journalist Jen St. Denis highlighted the fundamental shift occurring under the new leadership, run under the stark headline: Findlay Pulls BC Conservatives to the Right.

Ms. Findlay’s platform leans heavily into “faith, family, and freedom,” a rhetorical framework that critics argue mirrors American-style populist movements. Observers describe her as a Trump-adjacent “MAGA Maple” figure, highly focused on divisive culture war issues rather than traditional policy consensus.

The Battle Over SOGI 123

A central pillar of Ms. Findlay’s ideological brand is her fierce opposition to the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI 123) curriculum implemented in British Columbia schools. Ms. Findlay has campaigned on entirely dismantling the programme, aligning herself with anti-trans and parental rights groups.

This position puts her in direct opposition to empirical academic research.

A landmark study led by Dr. Elizabeth Saewyc, a professor at the University of British Columbia (UBC), demonstrated that SOGI 123 has proved highly effective. Dr. Saewyc’s findings revealed that SOGI-inclusive education successfully reduced bullying and sexual orientation discrimination across B.C. schools, yielding safer environments for both LGBTQ+ and heterosexual students alike.

By entirely rejecting Dr. Saewyc’s findings, Ms. Findlay has signaled that ideological alignment takes precedence over academic consensus.

A House Divided: Internal Purges and Controversial Allies

Upon seizing the leadership, Ms. Findlay wasted no time restructuring the party in her own image, executing an uncompromising internal purge. She immediately fired all legislative and party staff who had any lingering connections to the former BC United / BC Liberal apparatus or its former leader, Kevin Falcon.

Furthermore, Ms. Findlay’s inner circle and candidate roster have drawn intense scrutiny for harboring far-right, anti-vaccine, and conspiracy-driven viewpoints.

The Inner Circle

  • Brent Chapman: Findlay’s own husband, now the MLA for Surrey South, has a well-documented history of controversy. During the 2024 provincial election campaign, a series of his historical social media posts were unearthed, revealing deeply Islamophobic and racist content that generated widespread public condemnation;
  • Sheldon Clare (House Leader): Ms. Findlay appointed the MLA for Prince George-North Cariboo as her newly minted House Leader. Mr. Clare, a reserve army officer and the former president of the National Firearms Association (NFA), briefly ran for the leadership himself before dropping out to back Ms. Findlay. He brings a brand of staunchly uncompromising, hard-right gun-rights populism to the legislative floor;
  • Heather Maahs (Leader of the Opposition): Because Ms. Findlay does not currently hold a seat in the BC Legislature, she cannot personally serve as the Leader of the Official Opposition. To fill this vital constitutional role, she bypassed proven, moderate legislative leaders like former interim leader Trevor Halford and former House Leader Áʼa:líya Warbus — a move provincial affairs columnist Vaughn Palmer criticized as dumping seasoned veterans for her hard-right backers. Instead, she installed Heather Maahs, the MLA for Chilliwack North. Maahs, who spent 16 years on the Chilliwack school board, is an unabashed pro-life advocate who recently drew fire for hosting a legislative session with an advocacy group that explicitly regards homosexuality as “immoral.”

This hard-right consolidation has created what former insiders describe as a hostile environment. Former Conservative MLAs Elenore Sturko and Amelia Boultbee both publicly stepped away from the party apparatus, citing a “toxic work environment” driven by ideological extremism, subsequently becoming vocal critics of Findlay’s direction.

The Actuarial Reality of a 2028 Campaign

Beyond the ideological friction, Ms. Findlay faces an inescapable reality: the passage of time. When the next British Columbia provincial election is called in late 2028, Findlay will be entering her 74th year. Should she win and serve a full four-year term as Premier, she would be in her 78th year by its conclusion.

While age alone does not dictate capability, gerontologists and medical institutions like the Mayo Clinic emphasize the compounding physical and cognitive challenges that accompany leadership at this stage of life, as observed globally in political figures like Joe Biden and Donald Trump, or in our 70s as VanRamblings has experienced ourself approaching our 76th birthday, now only 40 days away.

  • Factor: Potential Impact on High-Stress Leadership;
  • Cognitive Function: Gradual declines in cognitive processing speed, reaction time, and the ability to multitask can affect the management of complex, rapid-fire executive daily tasks.;
  • Physical Vitality. A combination of physical fatigue, chronic health conditions (such as arthritis or cardiovascular changes), and sensory declines in vision and hearing that can restrict mobility and lower overall energy reserves;
  • Neurotransmitter Changes: Age-related reductions in serotonin levels that can increase emotional vulnerability, while chronic pain or fatigue can manifest as heightened irritability or agitation under pressure.

Navigating the grueling, 24-hour news cycle of a provincial election and managing a sprawling government requires physical and mental stamina, posing a practical question mark over her long-term tenure.

The Mainstream Disconnect

Would you vote for the woman pictured above to become British Columbia’s 38th Premier?

Ultimately, Kerry-Lynne Findlay’s political future depends on whether her brand of unapologetic populism can survive outside her rural interior voting base.

British Columbia’s electorate has historically favoured a pragmatic, centrist approach to governance. By leaning so heavily into the culture wars, opposing established Indigenous rights frameworks, and platforming fringe rhetoric, Ms. Findlay risks alienating the vital moderate voters of the Lower Mainland and Vancouver Island — voters who decide majorities.

Ms. Findlay enters the arena significantly weighed down. The cloud of the federal Elections Canada investigation remains unresolved, her internal mandate is mathematically microscopic, and her party is deeply divided after the alienation of its moderate wing.

In a province currently grappling with an acute affordability crisis — where the cost of housing remains out of reach, grocery prices continue to skyrocket across every community, and gas prices pinch working families at the pumps — Ms. Findlay’s intense focus on social grievances risks looks profoundly out of touch.

If the B.C. Conservative Party cannot offer reassuring solutions to the daily economic anxieties of the mainstream voter, Ms. Findlay’s hard-right experiment may find itself entirely rejected at the ballot box in 2028.

Can Kerry-Lynne Findlay successfully expand her narrow rural coalition to win over moderate urban voters in the 2028 provincial election? We’re not so sure.

#BCPoli | Good-bye John Rustad We Hardly Knew Ya


Buh-bye, so long, adios: John Rustad, “interim leader” of the Conservative Party of British Columbia

One year from today John Rustad will no longer lead the B.C. Conservative Party.

How to explain VanRamblings’ late 2025 B.C. Conservative leadership projection?

  • B.C. Conservative Party infighting. In his interview with This is Vancolour’s Mo Amir, former BC NDP Premier Glen Clark referred to 20 of the newly-elected B.C. Conservative Party MLAs as “whack jobs” — this adjudication arising from a series of racist, misogynist, homophobic QAnon conspiracy theorist comments made by these, now, sitting B.C. Conservative Party members of the B.C. Legislature.

    From what VanRamblings’ sources tell us, these 20 newly-minted B.C. Conservative MLAs are far from happy with their leader, John Rustad, for having roundly denounced several of their number during the course of the recent provincial election campaign. VanRamblings is told there is a movement afoot to remove Rustad as leader, in favour of a member of the QAnon conspiracy theorist contingent who more rightly align with their “the whole system is rigged and oughta be brought down” far right, People’s Party of Canada, anti-vaxx, Freedom Convoy-loving “philosophy”.

Meanwhile, Premier Eby has drawn what he calls a “bright line”, stating that his NDP government will refuse to work with newly-elected B.C. Conservative MLAs who have expressed “offensive” views on racial and other matters.

Vaughn Palmer, in The Vancouver Sun, has called the …

 “Bright-line test a proverbial line in the sand. It establishes a clearcut, easily recognizable boundary between the right and the wrong, the good and the bad, the pure and the tainted.”

Eby singled out Brent Chapman, newly-elected B.C. Conservative MLA for Surrey South, and author of some deeply offensive social media posts in past years.

“Brent Chapman (is) a hateful man promoting hate and racism in our province,” Eby told host Vijay Saini of CJCN radio last week. “We have a very bright line around that and it is a non-starter for us. We need to fight hate and racism every day. So there are definitely restrictions on our willingness to work with the Conservative party.”

The BC NDP leader has suggested that B.C. Democrats are preparing a list of Conservatives whose utterances have consigned them to the dark side of the line.

“I’ve seen them speaking out with concern on issues that I share concern about — open racism from Conservative candidates, open homophobia, anti-Muslim sentiment, anti-woman sentiment — and those are bright lines. That is non-negotiable for us.”

Premier Eby has created a ‘no win’ situation for B.C. Conservative leader John Rustad: defend his MLAs who have expressed intolerant and hateful views, or denounce them. Smart, divisive NDP politics, set to create much trouble for Rustad.

Elenore Sturko celebrating her B.C. United Party by-election win in 2022, with Kevin Falcon.

  • Elenore Sturko. VanRamblings has been told by our B.C. Conservative Party sources that former B.C. United MLA for Surrey South, now the newly-minted B.C. Conservative MLA representing the riding of Surrey-Cloverdale has formed an exploratory committee to challenge John Rustad for leadership of the Conservative Party of British Columbia. Elenore Sturko: thy name is ambition at all costs, the person in which such picayune considerations such as loyalty will never be vested. Just ask former B.C. United Party leader Kevin Falcon; he’s got a story or two to tell ya.

And, finally, why John Rustad won’t be the leader of the Conservative Party of British Columbia, and His Majesty’s loyal Opposition, twelve months from now.

The venerable and exclusive Vancouver Club, on West Hastings in Vancouver.

  • Powers that be who rule our province. The same group of folks who just weeks ago — billionaire developers, and their ilk — convinced, under threat, B.C. United leader Kevin Falcon to fold his and his B.C. United tent in favour of supporting John Rustad’s far right B.C. Conservative Party — never for a moment wanting to see the conspiracy theory amenable Rustad continue on as B.C. Conservative Party leader should he “lose” the election — even as you read this, are meeting behind closed doors deep within the inner sanctum of The Vancouver Club, developing plans to oust John Rustad as B.C. Conservative Party leader — as they did with then B.C. Liberal leader Gordon Wilson, in favour of their hand-picked choice and oh-so-amenable, Gordon Campbell — to be replaced by Ms. Sturko, or Brad West or another potential B.C. Conservative Party leader, who would be acquiescent to their entreaties, a leader not wedded to conspiracy theories, someone more acceptable to the general populace.

So there you have it.

In the face of the chaos that will be wrought in the United States with the (re) election of Donald Trump as President, in British Columbia some degree of sanity will prevail, with the Nuremberg 2.0-compliant John Rustad set to be removed as B.C. Conservative Party leader, in favour of someone more balanced and palatable to a broad swath of the British Columbia electorate. With David Eby at the helm of a progressive British Columbia New Democratic Party, we can look forward to enjoying a government committed to empowering women, empowering members of our Indigenous community, and building the economy, an oasis of political sanity in this crazy old world of ours where stability, in British Columbia, is our friend.

#BCPoli | BC NDP | Snatching Victory From the Jaws of Near Defeat


A troubled British Columbia Premier David Eby wondering how his government will hold power.

Save the judicial count of ballots in the ridings of Kelowna Centre — where a mere 38 votes separate BC Conservative candidate Kristina Loewen from her NDP challenger, Loyal Wooldridge — and Surrey-Guildford, where incumbent NDP MLA Garry Begg staged a tentative come-from-behind victory once the mail-in ballots had been counted, at present and before the judicial recount takes place this upcoming weekend, finds himself leading by a gargantuan 27 votes — judicial recounts rarely change the outcome — the 43rd British Columbia provincial election may well be considered to be all but over, with a bare majority of 47 seats in the 93-seat BC Legislature having been won by British Columbia New Democrats, the surprisingly robust, upstart BC Conservatives almost prevailing on election night, currently holding 44 seats in the house, with two Green MLAs rounding out the contingent of electeds who will sit in the BC Legislature through the next election.

While the BC NDP have prevailed, and will now form government for a record third consecutive time for an incumbent BC New Democratic Party — no mean feat that, given the strong desire expressed by the electorate for change — there’s no getting away from the fact that the 47th British Columbia election campaign run by the BC New Democrats was a botch job from beginning to end, despite the bare win, the most mundane, lacklustre, lethargic, utterly enervating, tone deaf, and uninspiring campaign the BC New Democratic Party has waged in its glorious 91-year history.


What good speech-making sounds like in the midst of a campaign. David Eby has to up his game.

And, who’da thunk that David Eby would prove to be such a terrible campaigner, or as former Chief of Staff to Premier John Horgan, Geoff Meggs, boldly stated on the Hotel Pacifico podcast during the course of the election campaign …

“During the campaign, David Eby was reasoned and lawyerly, when what was required was an impassioned and inspiring provincial political leader fighting for the social good,” said Geoff Meggs, “David Eby and the BC NDP waging a battle to represent all British Columbians, against a ne’er-do-well crew of bunko squad racist, misogynist, homophobic QAnon conspiracy theorists. How did the BC NDP not consign them to the dustbin of history?”


What a decent ad, a moving ad can do to motivate people. There are lessons to be learned BC NDP.

The BC NDP campaign for office was further harmed by the worst conceived voiceover campaign ads VanRamblings has seen in a generation, devoid of compassion, with no human faces ever shown, with no focus whatsoever on key issues — like the BC Conservative plan to scrap rent caps, which would detrimentally affect 600,000 households who rent, across the expanse of our province — with negative and utterly irrelevant backward focused campaign ads, rather than a forward focused campaign for government that would state “this is what we stand for, this is what we’re going to do for you, we’re the change you seek, we’re on your side.”

Had BC Conservative leader John Rustad had his wits about him — yes, a tall order we know — rather than choosing to run a troubled Bryan Breguet in Vancouver-Langara, when the popular former BC United candidate, Jamie Stein, would have won the riding in a walk; or had Rustad allowed popular Lumby Mayor Kevin Acton to run in the riding of Vernon-Lumby, rather than parachuting his Kamloops friend Dennis Geiesbrecht in as the BC Conservative candidate in Vernon-Lumby, the BC Conservatives rather than the BC NDP would have won a majority government, a majority which would have been further enhanced by allowing former BC United Richmond candidate Jackie Lee to run in Richmond-Steveston.

Is VanRamblings unhappy that our beloved British Columbia New Democratic Party — and leader / Premier David Eby, who we love with all of our heart — eked out an undeserved win in the 2024 British Columbia provincial election? Nope, despite our kvetching, we’re kind of over-the-moon. We believe the BC New Democratic Party to be comprised of kind and passionate human beings, as well as very bright, forward thinking Members of the Legislature who, universally, mean well for our province. We continue to believe that David Eby is a once-in-a-generation visionary leader who means much good for our province. So, colour us very happy, indeed.

In tomorrow’s column, we’ll focus on where the BC New Democratic Party government goes from here, and what the party and its elected members must do to remain in government — which we believe will be a much much easier task for the BC NDP to achieve than most political pundits currently believe may be the case.

Note. Humility, collaboration and consultation must carry the day going forward.

#BCPoli | A Puzzling, Undecided Election Result


NDPer David Eby wins but loses, Green Sonia Furstenau loses, Con John Rustad sort of wins, for now

The 2024 British Columbia provincial election has set the stage for an extended period of uncertainty and ongoing and troubling political tension.


B.C. NDP supporter reacts as election night results come in (Darryl Dyck/The Canadian Press)

With the BC NDP securing 46 seats, pending a hand count of the ballots in at least two ridings where the vote was close , and the BC Conservatives close behind with 45, the situation is too close to call definitively until the final results, including mail-in ballots, are released on October 28, seven excruciating days from today.

The dynamics are further complicated by the two ridings where Green Party members were elected, and the Saturday night defeat of leader Sonia Furstenau.

David Eby’s path to once again becoming Premier and forming a government hinges on a confidence and supply agreement with the two elected Green MLAs, echoing the 2017 arrangement that brought the BC NDP to power. Eby’s focus on health care reform, particularly the establishment of community clinics, could be a key part of negotiations with the Greens, as Furstenau has made this a priority.

John Rustad and the BC Conservatives’ success, especially in rural areas, positions them as a formidable opposition. Rustad’s call for a new election highlights his confidence in gaining a majority, especially if he manages to unify some of the former BC United candidates who could have tipped the balance in his favour.

The inclusion of controversial conspiracy theorists and anti-vaxxers among the new BC Conservative MLAs introduces a wildcard element to the Legislature, potentially influencing policy debates and public discourse in unpredictable ways. BC’s political landscape is entering a period of heightened polarization, with urban-rural divides and deep ideological differences set to dominate in the coming months.

For Premier David Eby, the 2024 election marks both a personal victory and a daunting political challenge. His BC NDP narrowly held onto power in key urban ridings, particularly in Vancouver, where they won 11 of 12 seats. This urban dominance, especially in Vancouver, helped stave off what could have been a catastrophic defeat for the British Columbia New Democrats, given the rising popularity of the BC Conservatives. However, the BC NDP fell short of the majority needed to govern outright in the 93-seat legislature, placing Eby in a precarious position where his political future hinges on complex negotiations and compromises.

The Rise of the BC Conservatives and John Rustad’s Ambitions

While the BC NDP barely held their ground, the BC Conservatives, led by John Rustad, surged to unprecedented heights, winning 45 seats and dominating much of the rural and interior regions of the province. This represents a dramatic shift in BC’s political landscape, as the Conservatives capitalized on widespread discontent in regions such as the Fraser Valley, the Okanagan, and the North. These areas, which have traditionally felt underrepresented in provincial politics, rallied around Rustad’s message of rural empowerment, deregulation, and resistance to what many see as overreach by the urban-centric NDP.

Rustad’s success is particularly striking given the collapse of BC United, the former centre-right party that was once a dominant force in provincial politics.

Many former BC United voters shifted their support to the BC Conservatives, and Rustad has positioned himself as the new leader of the province’s right-wing movement. Rustad has been vocal in calling for a new election, believing that with just a few more seats, he could secure a majority government. Indeed, had Rustad allowed key figures like Lumby Mayor Kevin Acton and Josh Stein in Vancouver-Langara to run as BC Conservative candidates rather than Independents, he might very well have been in a position to become Premier, and govern British Columbia.


As BC citizens await the final results, the province stands at a political crossroads.


Juan de Fuca-Malahat: 23 votes separate NDPer Dana Lajeunesse & Conservative Marina Sapozhnikov.

Note should be made that, at present, there are 49,000 outstanding mail-in votes that are yet to be counted. The count of the mail-in ballots and the hand count in two ridings could very well alter the outcome of the British Columbia election.

  • The B.C. Conservatives were leading in Surrey-Guildford by a margin of 0.6 per cent late on election night. That party’s candidate, Honveer Singh Randhawa, was ahead of NDP incumbent Garry Begg by 102 votes;
  • The rookie candidates for both parties in Kelowna-Centre were separated by only 0.6 per cent. Conservative, realtor Kristina Loewen was leading the City Councillor, the NDP’s Loyal Woodridge by only 148 votes;
  • Meanwhile, the difference in the race in Courtenay-Comox, between NDP incumbent Ronna-Rae Leonard and the Conservatives’ Brennan Day was 0.7 per cent, with the Conservatives ahead by 232 votes, in that traditionally swing riding.

When the results of the hand count, and the inclusion of the mail-in ballots are announced on October 28th, we’ll know the true outcome of Election 2024.


Surrey City Centre. 96 votes separate the BC NDP’s Amna Shaw and the Conservatives’ Zeeshan Wahla.


The urban-rural divide has deepened, and the ideological gap between the BC NDP and the BC Conservatives will lead to polarization and a contentious Legislature. In the coming months, the province’s political leaders will need to navigate these divisions carefully, as the future of British Columbia hangs in the balance.

How Do Other Political Observers Feel About Saturday’s Election Results?

Business in Vancouver Legislative reporter Rob Shaw: David Eby lost the election.

Despite running with all the advantages of government right up until the writ drop on September 21 — in the form of near-infinite money — resources and power, the Eby administration managed to squander the massive majority and record popularity left to it by predecessor John Horgan.

The NDP was brought to its knees by a BC Conservative party it argued was full of racist, homophobic, science-denying whackos, unfit to even run for public office, let alone hold it. Turns out, not everyone sees the world through the lens of moral superiority that New Democrats do.

Rob Shaw is must reading, with the best post-election political analysis you’ll read anywhere, as he tags Eby for the bare win, but actual loss.


John Rustad and wife Kim at the Conservative after-election event. Photo by Arlen Redekop /PNG.

PostMedia Legislative columnist Vaughn Palmer also blames Eby for the bare win, actual loss, and ponders whether Eby can hold on as leader of the BC NDP.

“Never lacking confidence in himself,” Palmer writes, “Eby vowed to govern until the scheduled election date and show results people could see, feel, touch and experience.

“How’s that working out?” One imagines more than a few New Democrats saying that as they saw their party once again thrown into the arms of the Greens to preserve its hold on power.

The second thing that some might question is Eby’s take-no-prisoners personal attacks on Rustad and the Conservatives.

Eby never seemed to allow that voters might have greater concerns — crime, the drug crisis, housing prices, overcrowded emergency rooms — than a seven-year-old social media posting, however appalling.

Had he toned down the moral superiority, he might have done better with voters who were wanting change.

Yet after presiding over a campaign dominated by vicious, personal attacks, on Saturday night he proclaimed himself “a Premier to bring us together, not drive us apart.’”

Can Eby, having done so badly, survive as leader of an NDP that has done in leaders that disappointed it in the past?”


BC Conservative Leader John Rustad poses for an election night photo. Ethan Cairns | Canadian Press.

Veteran Globe and Mail columnist Gary Mason sticks to the facts, and how David Eby must move forward to retain power in the Legislative assembly in Victoria.

“Barring a change from the current results, the NDP holds a one-seat advantage over the Conservatives,” writes Mason.

“To form a majority it needed 47 seats, so the party will need the help of the two B.C. Green Party MLAs to make a legislative agenda work. The NDP would almost assuredly have to sacrifice one MLA to the position of Speaker, which would make its hold on power even more tenuous.

It’s hard to imagine the Greens ever agreeing to work with Mr. Rustad to give his party a shot at governing, given the Conservatives’ views on climate change and environmental matters more generally.

Mr. Rustad is a proud climate denier. While that seems astonishing in this day and age, I’m certain his skepticism around the science of climate change and COVID vaccines helped boost his popularity. There are many people in B.C., especially in rural parts of the province, that cheered Mr. Rustad on around these issues.

There are others who aren’t likely thrilled over those stands, or even cringe when they think of possibly being governed by a man who is stuck in the dark ages when it comes to climate change, but were willing to set those feelings aside to vote for change.

There was definitely an anti-David Eby sentiment that was pervasive in this election.

Regardless of what happens in the near future, Mr. Eby will need to take a hard look at his progressive agenda over the past two years and ask: Was it too much, too fast?”

Press Progress editor Luke LeBrun writes a must-read article on the Far-Right BC Conservative Candidates who are now BC legislators.

For instance, Tara Armstrong (Kelowna-Lake Country-Coldstream), who claimed a medical doctor who was encouraging the public to get vaccinated was “bought and paid for by big pharma” and a “total fraud.”

Suffice to say, we live in troubling times.

Let all those who cast themselves as progressives hope that David Eby can get his act together, and the BC NDP — when the next election rolls around — runs a more energetic and inspiring campaign, rather than the lacklustre, lethargic, utterly enervating, tone deaf, and uninspiring campaign the party chose to run in 2024.


For those of you who can’t get enough of democracy, and the elections which decide the nature of governance, you will be heartened to know that the 2024 New Brunswick general election is being held today, Monday, October 21st, 2024, where 49 members will be elected to the New Brunswick Legislative Assembly. The election was called at the dissolution of the 60th Assembly, September 19, 2024.

The incumbent Progressive Conservative Party of New Brunswick (PC) government — which has proved to be hardly that, progressive we mean — led by Premier Blaine Higgs since 2018, is seeking a third consecutive term in office.

Higgs’ government has been mired in controversy over the past couple of years, with one high profile Minister after enough resigning from Higgs’ Cabinet in disgust, arising from Higgs’ intolerant decision to jettison New Brunswick’s version of the SOGI 123 programme that, you know, actually treats gender variant / LGBTQ+ children as if they matter — looks to be headed for defeat tonight.

Even if BC voters don’t have their heads screwed on straight — Higgs = Rustad — at least New Brunswickers of conscience do. Yay, is all we can say.

The PCs’ primary opponent is the New Brunswick Liberal Association led by Susan Holt, who is looking tonight to become the province’s 61st Premier.


VanRamblings will take a much needed break, through until late on October 28th.