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#BCPoli | Writ Drops on Saturday, September 21st | A 28-Day British Columbia Election Campaign Follows

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As the 2024 British Columbia provincial election draws near, the political landscape in the province is charged with intense debate and a host of key issues that will shape the campaign.

Set to officially begin when the Writ drops on September 21st, the 28-day campaign will see Premier David Eby’s B.C. New Democratic Party defend their hold on government against an ascending opposition. The chief challenger in 2024:  the resurgent B.C. Conservatives, led by John Rustad, who, despite their limited war chest, aim to capitalize on voter dissatisfaction with the current government.

Key Issues in the 2024 British Columbia Election Campaign

  • Affordability and Housing: Housing remains the dominant issue in British Columbia politics, especially in urban centres like Vancouver and Victoria. The B.C. NDP under Premier David Eby has placed significant focus on addressing the housing crisis, with legislation proclaimed to increase the supply of affordable homes, streamline permitting processes, and combat speculation in the real estate market. David Eby has framed his party’s housing policy as one that balances affordability with responsible development, but the B.C. Conservatives have criticized the NDP’s efforts, accusing them of exacerbating the crisis by driving up costs with unnecessary regulations.

  • Rent Control and Tenant Rights: The B.C. NDP has enacted strict rent controls, limiting annual rent increases to match inflation rates. John Rustad’s B.C. Conservatives have said if elected to government they would remove the cap on rent increases, arguing that rent controls hurt landlords and reduce the incentive to build new rental housing. This proposal is likely to be a key wedge issue, dividing renters, who are primarily concentrated in urban areas, from property owners and real estate investors.

  • SOGI 123 and LGBTQ+ Rights: Socially conservative elements within the B.C. Conservative Party, including leader John Rustad, have rallied against the SOGI 123 curriculum, which promotes inclusivity and understanding of sexual orientation and gender identity in BC schools. While the B.C. NDP and — earlier this year —  B.C. United supported SOGI 123 as a tool for fostering inclusivity, the B.C. Conservatives’ opposition appeals to a more socially conservative base, particularly in rural areas. Note should be made, B.C. Conservative leader Rustad has said that he would remove the programme from B.C.’s public school system, while also removing and banning books from the schools he believes “indoctrinate children”. The issue of the rights of LGBTQ children enrolled in B.C. schools — the programme brought in by the B.C. Liberal Christy Clark administration in 2015, as drafted by current ABC Vancouver City Councillor Lisa Dominato when she was in the employ of British Columbia’s Ministry of Education — has the potential to become a highly polarizing wedge issue, mobilizing both progressives and conservatives in different parts of the province.

  • Climate Change and Environmental Policy: British Columbia’s natural beauty and environmental stewardship are central to its identity, but climate policy has become a contentious issue. The B.C. NDP has taken a middle-of-the-road approach, supporting ambitious climate targets while also backing natural resource industries like LNG. The B.C. Conservatives, however, have been skeptical of aggressive climate policies, focusing instead on economic growth and job creation in resource sectors. This issue may pit environmentally conscious urban voters against rural communities reliant on resource extraction.

  • Public Transportation: Funding for public transportation, particularly in Metro Vancouver, will be a critical issue. The B.C. NDP supports expanding transit infrastructure, including SkyTrain expansions and increased bus service, to reduce congestion and emissions. However, the B.C. Conservatives have suggested prioritizing road infrastructure and reducing reliance on taxpayer-funded transit. This issue will likely divide urban voters who depend on public transportation from suburban and rural voters who prioritize road improvements.

  • Healthcare and Mental Health: The province’s healthcare system, already strained by the COVID-19 pandemic, continues to be a significant issue. With long wait times for surgeries and difficulty accessing family doctors, healthcare is top of mind for many voters. The B.C. NDP has pledged more funding for healthcare and mental health services, while the B.C. Conservatives have focused on increasing private sector involvement to reduce wait times and improve access.

  • Taxes and Fiscal Responsibility: The B.C. NDP has faced criticism for its spending policies, with the B.C. Conservatives and other opponents accusing them of driving up provincial debt and over-taxing residents. The Conservatives have proposed cutting taxes and reducing government spending, appealing to fiscally conservative voters, particularly in the interior and northern regions of the province.

  • Crime and Public Safety: Rising crime rates, particularly in urban centres like Vancouver, Victoria, Nanaimo and Kelowna have made public safety a hot-button issue. The B.C. NDP has promised more funding for police and social services, whle working with the federal government to bring in tougher legislation that would keep repeat offenders and those accused of violent crimes in custody — while the B.C. Conservatives have taken a hardline approach, advocating for tougher sentencing and more resources for law enforcement, which is likely to realized only if Pierre Poilievre’s federal Conservative Party are elected to government next year. This issue will certainly be central to debates in urban and suburban ridings, where concerns about crime are highest.

  • Economic Development and Jobs: With economic uncertainty persisting post-pandemic, job creation and economic growth will be key topics. The B.C. NDP has highlighted its investments in green technology and infrastructure — which has proved successful while raising wages across the province. John Rustad’s B.C. Conservatives have emphasized the importance of supporting traditional industries like forestry, mining, and oil and gas, which are crucial to many rural communities. A B.C. Conservative urban economic development plan has yet to be announced.

  • Education and School Funding: Public education will be a key issue, especially as concerns about classroom sizes, teacher shortages, and underfunding persist. The B.C. NDP has committed to increasing education spending, while the B.C. Conservatives have called for reforms to make the system more efficient, including increased support for alternative schooling options, which may resonate with their socially conservative base.

Key Ridings to Watch

Several ridings will be crucial in determining the outcome of the election. Urban ridings in Metro Vancouver, such as Vancouver-Yaletown and Surrey-Newton, will be battlegrounds between the B.C. NDP and the B.C. Conservatives, with housing and public safety as major issues. In the Fraser Valley and Interior, ridings like Chilliwack-Kent and Kamloops-North Thompson will see heated contests between the B.C. NDP and the B.C. Conservatives, where affordability, resource development, and opposition to SOGI 123 may come to the forefront.

Additionally, suburban ridings in regions like Langley, Coquitlam, and Port Moody will be key, with issues such as transportation and crime dominating local discourse. The outcome in these swing areas could determine whether the B.C. NDP can maintain their majority or if the opposition makes significant inroads.

Voter Demographics and Turnout

Polling indicates that British Columbians aged 55 and older tend to support the B.C. NDP. This age group also tends to vote in greater numbers than younger voters, making their support crucial to the NDP’s success. If the B.C. NDP can effectively mobilize this demographic while appealing to younger voters concerned with housing affordability and climate change, they may secure another term in government. However, the B.C. Conservatives’ appeal to disaffected, older, rural voters who feel left behind by the NDP’s progressive agenda could create a potent challenge in key regions.

Wedge Issues and Potential “Bozo Eruptions”

The B.C. Conservatives, under John Rustad, face a significant risk of “bozo eruptions” during the campaign. With a number of candidates espousing socially conservative and conspiracy-laden views, the party could find itself embroiled in controversy throughout the campaign period, providing the B.C. NDP with ample ammunition to exploit. Rustad’s removal of the rent increase cap and his party’s opposition to the SOGI 123 programme are likely to emerge as key wedge issues, polarizing voters and drawing sharp contrasts between the parties. These controversies may help the B.C. NDP rally progressive voters and paint the Conservatives as out of touch with mainstream British Columbians.

The 2024 B.C. provincial election will be shaped by a range of pressing issues, from housing affordability and climate change to education and public safety.

With the B.C. NDP well-funded and and maintaining a slim lead in the polls, and John Rustad’s B.C. Conservatives seeking to channel discontent among socially conservative and rural voters, the stage is set for a fiercely contested election.

Key ridings in the Lower Mainland, the Interior, and northern B.C. will be critical, as will turnout among older voters.

As the campaign progresses, wedge issues like rent control, SOGI 123, and climate policy will likely define the battleground, with both major parties vying to secure their share of the vote.

#BCPoli | The Uncommon, Remarkable Genius of Dimitri Pantazopoulos

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Dimitri Pantazopoulos, President @ Yorkville Strategies, Inc. | Partner @ Maple Leaf Strategies

Dimitri Pantazopoulos could very well play a determinative role in the outcome of the 2024 British Columbia provincial election.

Should John Rustad’s fledgling B.C. Conservative Party emerge victorious late on the evening of Saturday, October 19th, such an outcome will arise in part from the genius organizing skills of Mr. Pantazopoulos, the pollster / de facto co-campaign manager for the upstart, recently revived British Columbia political party.

Dating back to 2004, Dimitri Pantazopoulos was Conservative Party leader Stephen Harper’s pollster, a role he played through until the defeat of the Harper government in 2015. Mr. Pantazopoulos remains to this day the definitive pollster for Pierre Poilievre’s — certain to be government in 2025 — federal Conservative party.

When it comes to British Columbia, Dimitri Pantazopoulos’ myth-making claim to fame arises from B.C. Liberal Premier Christy Clark’s come from behind victory at the polls on Monday, May 13, 2013, in that year’s all-important provincial election.

When Dimitri Pantazopoulos arrived in British Columbia in early 2013, from his home in Ottawa, to survey the political scene in our province on behalf of the B.C. Liberal party, Mr. Pantazopoulos and his crack team from Maple Leaf Strategies set about to conduct intensive polling in the, then, 84 provincial ridings that comprised British Columbia’s tumultuous, voter capricious political landscape.

At the time, an unpopular Premier Christy Clark was mired at 26% in the polls, while newly-minted B.C. New Democratic Party leader Adrian Dix was riding a wave of unprecedented popularity, registering 49% support from British Columbia residents, an electorate eager for change, ready to make Mr. Dix B.C.’s 35th Premier.

In late mid-March 2013, a confident, ebullient Dimitri Pantazopoulos told the Premier, B.C. Liberal campaign manager Mike McDonald, and top B.C. Liberal fundraiser, Bob Rennie that the election could not only be won by Premier Clark, but that she could secure a majority government early in the evening of May 13th.

To say that Premier Clark, Mike McDonald and Bob Rennie were incredulous upon hearing what Mr. Pantazopoulos had to say would be to understate the matter.

Here’s what Dimitri Pantazopoulos told the political trio of disbelieving doubters.

“Having surveyed the province, my team and I believe that the B.C. Liberal party could win 50 seats on election night. We’ve identified those 50 seats. The remaining 34 ridings are write-offs, and represent unwinnable NDP strongholds into which the B.C. Liberals, although you may nominate candidates in those ridings, should not put one plug nickel into supporting the B.C. Liberal candidates running in those ridings.

On the other hand, in the 50 winnable ridings for the B.C. Liberal party, you’ll want to pour all of your resources into those ridings. Maple Leaf Strategies will conduct nightly polling in those 50 ridings, and “meet” with the candidates in those ridings each morning to advise them of the issues — identified in our nightly polling in the riding — that should be the focus of their activity and public pronouncements that day. I guarantee, should the B.C. Liberal party move forward on my recommendation, the party will secure victory in each of those ridings, as we run a hyper-local campaign for office in 2013.”

Premier Clark, Mike McDonald and Bob Rennie thought that Mr. Pantazopoulos had lost his marbles — but what did they have to lose in adopting Dimitri’s electoral strategy? Defeat seemed almost certain at that point. Dimitri Pantazopoulos offered the doleful B.C. Liberal election team a ray of hope that the party would not be wiped out at the polls, as unconvinced as they remained of the prospect of victory at the polls two months hence.


Premier Christy Clark, grinning like the chesire cat that both got the cream, and swallowed the canary

Premier Christy Clark did, indeed, emerge victorious with a comfortable majority government on May 13, 2013 thrilling the Premier, her campaign manager and major fundraiser. Dimitri Pantazopoulos had been right and there was untold joy at B.C. Liberal election headquarters that night.


Conservative Party of British Columbia leader John Rustad. Soon to be 38th Premier of our province?

In 2024, Dimitri Pantazopoulos has returned to British Columbia with a vengeance, working overtime to a secure victory for the band of untested newbies running for office with the embryonic, nascently inchoate British Columbia Conservative party.

Nine years on, Mr. Pantazopoulos and his team have identified 55 winnable ridings for the B.C. Conservatives, a number that may rise now that B.C. United has folded into the B.C. Conservative party. The fly in the ointment in 2024, though? The B.C. Conservative Party is woefully underfunded, having raised a paltry three million dollars, a fraction of the $26 million with which Premier David Eby’s New Democratic Party of British Columbia will fight the upcoming provincial election.

In some measure, the success of the B.C. Liberal campaign in 2013 was due to the 30-second game changing ads that ran incessantly, multiple times during the Global BC, CTV Vancouver and CBC morning, noon, 5pm, 6pm and 11pm newscasts — not to mention, every radio station across the province — that cast Adrian Dix as an ineffectual flip flopper, and a poor choice for Premier of the province. Add to that two botched debates by the NDP leader.

Taking into consideration Dimitri Pantazopoulos’ game plan, together with the devastatingly effective campaign ads run again Mr. Dix, and the poor debate performances by the NDP leader, spelled electoral doom for Adrian Dix’s New Democratic Party, which lost and lost badly to Christy Clark’s B.C. Liberals.

Underfunded or not, Dimitri Pantazopoulos and his team believe a victory for John Rustad’s B.C. Conservative party a near certainty — not, of course, if Premier David Eby’s BC NDP have anything to say about the matter. And they do, and they will.

All said, the wind is at the back of British Columbia’s provincial Conservative party, as they ride the wave of popularity that federal Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre currently enjoys in all parts of British Columbia, and across Canada.

Add to that, members of the election teams that helped secure victory for Conservative Premier Tim Houston in Nova Scotia, a second term for Ontario Premier Doug Ford, and last year a surprise victory for far-right-of-centre Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, the outcome of British Columbia’s upcoming election — our provincial election officially gets underway on Saturday, September 21st — may be far from certain, but given, as well, that the B.C. Conservatives, apart from the controversy that some of their soon-to-be-former candidates caused, could win it all on Saturday, October 19th, and form the next government.


Two fine B.C. Conservative candidates, one of whom we’ll endorse, the other who we like very much

Wednesday and Thursday on VanRamblings, we’ll take a look at the Vancouver-Yaletown and Vancouver-Little Mountain ridings, where two strong B.C. Conservative candidates for office are currently vying for elected provincial office.


The Curse of Politics podcast, where the ineffable David Herle, Jordan Leichnitz and Kory Teneycke discuss and debate the shenanigans that have gone on in British Columbia politics this past week.

#BCPoli | Falcon | The King is Dead, Long Live the King

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When BC United leader Kevin Falcon announced yesterday afternoon in a joint press conference with BC Conservative leader John Rustad that he would be resigning as leader of his party — while suspending BC United’s campaign for office in the upcoming British Columbia election, leaving John Rustad’s B.C. Conservative party to represent the alleged centre-right in a two-way race with David Eby’s British Columbia New Democratic Party, Kevin Falcon did so with a heavy heart.

Today on VanRamblings, we’ll provide you with the background that led to Kevin Falcon making his decision to step away from British Columbia electoral politics.

Make no mistake, there is no love loss between Kevin Falcon and John Rustad.

Kevin Falcon continues to believe — as he espoused to Global BC’s Keith Baldrey in a breakfast / walk around the Legislature grounds on Tuesday morning — that John Rustad represents an existential threat to the health and well-being of British Columbians, in particular to the interests of families raising children.

Interesting that Kevin Falcon — as VanRamblings has been writing all week — gave as rationale for his resignation, the interests of his two young daughters, and by extension all children across the province.

Focusing on the interests of children was the code Mr. Falcon employed to state that he remains adamantly opposed to the climate denialist, homo-and-transphobic, racist, misogynist,  anti-vaxx, Christian dominionist-wannabe, Trump-like John Rustad-led BC Conservatives.

So, what led Kevin Falcon to make the very difficult decision to leave politics?

Sources tell us, two weeks ago representatives of the development industry in our province met with Mr. Falcon, demanding he resign as BC United party leader, and fold the B.C. United tent in favour of supporting John Rustad’s B.C. Conservative party, a “request” that was anathema to Kevin Falcon.

The development industry was not simply making a suggestion to Kevin Falcon, an idle request he might consider, but a demand, backed up by a threat …

“Either you resign as leader, and fold the B.C. United campaign for office, or we assure you that you will never work again in British Columbia, no one will hire you, you will be unemployable, and unable to provide for your family.”

Representatives of the development industry were not making an idle threat.

Kevin Falcon was given two weeks to make up his mind as to what course of action he would take. In coming to a decision, Mr.Falcon took the interests of his wife, and his two daughters, Josephine and Rose, as his priority and .. resigned.


Dimitri Pantazopoulos, currently employed as B.C. Conservative pollster, and co-campaign manager

Earlier this week, Kevin Falcon met with his longtime friend Dimitri Pantazopoulos, long Stephen Harper’s Conservative party pollster, B.C. Liberal and Vancouver Non-Partisan Association pollster, who is currently employed by the surging B.C. Conservatives as that party’s pollster, and de facto co-campaign manager. As you may recall, it was Mr. Pantazopoulos who in British Columbia’s 2013 provincial election identified the 50 B.C. ridings that the B.C. Liberals could win — this at a time when B.C. Liberal Premier Christy Clark was mired at 26% in the polls, with Adrian Dix soaring at 49% voter approval. Indeed, on May 14, 2013, Christy Clark did, in fact, win the 50 seats Mr. Pantazopoulos had identified.

When Dimitri Pantazopoulos met with Kevin Falcon, Mr. Pantazopoulos told him …

“Kevin, not only will B.C. United be decimated at the polls on the night of October 19th, none of B.C. United’s candidates will win in their ridings, and that includes you. At the moment, Kevin, you are running a distant second to Dallas Brodie, the B.C. Conservative candidate and longtime resident within your Vancouver-Quilchena riding, while you continue to maintain your family home across the inlet in North Vancouver. You’re going to lose, and lose badly, an embarrassing and regrettable loss to be sure, but a most assured loss, and a humiliating end to your once promising political career in British Columbia politics.”

And with that piece of devastating news, Kevin Falcon’s decision was made.

The ironic aspect to the present British Columbia political circumstance, where John Rustad stands on the precipice of victory at the polls on October 19th, is that Mr. Rustad doesn’t even want to be British Columbia’s next Premier.

At 61 years of age, having celebrated his birthday on August 18th, Mr. Rustad believes he’s had his day in the sun — as British Columbia’s once upon a time B.C Liberal government Minister of Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation, and Minister of Forests, Lands and Natural Resources. Not for this man from the hinterlands, the cut and thrust of electoral politics. Mr. Rustad simply wants to rest.

When John Rustad was unceremoniously dropped from the B.C. Liberal caucus on his birthday in 2022, for his antediluvian stand on LGBTQ issues, his vehement opposition to the SOGI 123 (Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity) programme, his contention that climate change is a hoax, his support of the anti-vaxx movement, and his adherence to any number of QAnon conspiracy theories, including wireless 5G as a root cause of COVID, John Rustad was only too happy to leave what he considered to be a “too progressive” BC United party.

When, some months, later — on Friday, March 31st, 2023 — John Rustad became leader of the B.C. Conservative party, he expected that he’d been heading a conservative party better aligned with his alt-right values, and a provincial political party that in 2024 would likely secure only 1.92% of the vote, as the B.C. Conservatives had in the 2020 British Columbia provincial general election.

Colour John Rustad surprised and disappointed when that presumed outcome of his leadership of the B.C. Conservative party did not come to pass.

So, what does this hill ‘o beans all mean?

Well, there are a couple of issues to consider before we wrap today’s column.

According to an extensive polling of British Columbians from across the province that was conducted last evening, David Eby’s New Democratic Party finds itself in pretty good shape following Kevin Falcon’s resignation as B.C. United leader, with an expected win of 57 seats (a 10-seat majority) in the next (post election) session of the Legislature, to only 36 seats for John Rustad’s B.C. Conservatives.

Given how Kevin Falcon came to define his B.C. United party as a fiscally conservative, yet socially progressive, political party, the thinking among the political cogniscenti is that the remaining adherents of B.C. United just can’t stomach John Rustad’s alt-right B.C. Conservative party and have headed over to the political party, the B.C. New Democrats, that better align with their values.

Next up: you know how we were discussing the power of the development industry to influence the state of politics in British Columbia? Well, listen up, cuz we’ve got a story of wit and (who knows how much) wisdom to tell you.

Turns out that the development industry is pretty darn happy with David Eby’s “we’re gonna build 100,000 units of housing in our next term of government” development ethos. Through Geoff Meggs — former Vision Vancouver City Councillor, former Chief of Staff to Premier John Horgan, and since 2005 the left’s political liaison to the development industry, and at present a senior housing development advisor to Premier David Eby and Minister of Housing Ravi Kahlon — they’ve been only too happy to fund David Eby’s NDP re-election bid.

Who’da thunk, huh?

The development industry does not want John Rustad’s B.C. Conservatives to win — gain 40 seats, sure, but hell’s bells, not win — so that John Rustad, who doesn’t for gawd’s sake even want to be Premier, might be replaced within the next year by someone who would, sure, be conservative, but a more pragmatic and palatable to the general public conservative.

Hell, if the antediluvian John Rustad were to win, the development industry would lose billions of dollars in revenue from the David Eby ‘transit-oriented projects’ that would be sidelined were the B.C. Conservatives to win majority government on Saturday, October 19th.

With an easily manipulated Brad West, Elenore Sturko or that youngster, Gavin Dew, installed as the next B.C. Conservative party leader — following John Rustad’s ouster —  should the development industry tire of David Eby come the next provincial election in 2028, they’d have their favourite ambitious, developer-friendly guy or gal in place to do their bidding.

Everybody wins, except us.

Today, we are 52 days away from knowing the outcome of the 2024 British Columbia provincial election, an election VanRamblings predicts will experience a record low turnout — as happened in the last Ontario election, when a paltry 43% of the population turned out to vote, by orders of magnitude the lowest ever turnout in any provincial election, ever.

What does David Eby’s New Democratic Party have in their favour that might contribute to victory come the evening of Saturday, October 19th? A ground game. There is no political party in Canada, and in B.C. in particular, that has a better, more sophisticated and vibrant Get Out the Vote (GOTV) mechanism.

VanRamblings has worked on dozens of federal and provincial NDP campaigns.

We can tell you that you don’t know the meaning of the word organized until you’ve worked on a B.C. New Democratic Party election campaign.

Not to mention, David Eby’s NDP are, by far, the best funded B.C. political party.

What do the B.C. Conservatives have in their favour?

We’ll get into that next week — when, unlike above, we promise to be kind.

#BCPoli | Kevin Falcon Definitively Defines BC United’s Politics & Goals

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BC United leader Kevin Falcon, and BC Conservative leader John Rustad: poles apart on the issues

When Kevin Falcon was elected leader of the B.C. Liberal party on Saturday, February 5th, 2022, through until Saturday, April 30, 2022, when he won the recently vacated Vancouver Quilchena seat — long held by the B.C. Liberals, and before that the Social Credit party — taking his seat in the British Columbia Legislature, Mr. Falcon sought to re-define the values of the party he now headed, to bring the B.C. Liberal party into the 21st century, as a forward thinking, big tent party, well accepting of members of the LGBTQ community, and the broad cultural and ethnic communities that comprise the British Columbia we all call home.

Meeting individually with the 27 other members of the B.C. Liberal caucus in the two-month interregnum between February 5th, 2022 and April 30th of that year, Kevin Falcon sought to work with the members of his caucus to identify the values of his party as an inclusive, welcoming political party.

Not for Kevin Falcon, nor most members of his B.C. Liberal caucus, the fiasco of the 2020 provincial election, when Chilliwack-Kent B.C. Liberal candidate Laurie Throness’ comments on eugenics — a movement that promotes selective human breeding to weed out characteristics seen as undesirable — were captured in a Zoom recording, with Throness adding, “contraception would be a low priority for medical spending” should the B.C. Liberal party be elected to government.

Many in the B.C. Liberal party believed that Laurie Throness’s inflammatory statements, and then B.C. Liberal party leader Andrew Wikinson’s failure to repudiate Mr. Throness’s comments, caused such controversy among the B.C. electorate that on Election Day, October 24, 2020, the B.C. Liberals were denied government, and the B.C. NDP government of John Horgan was elected to a majority government.


Elenore Sturko, a Surrey RCMP sergeant and media spokesperson, took leave from the force to run as a B.C. Liberal candidate in the Surrey-South riding, winning the by-election held on September 10, 2022

Consistent with the B.C. Liberal party’s new, inclusive, welcoming and and expansive philosophy, Mr. Falcon sought well-known, Surrey-based lesbian activist Elenore Sturko to run as the B.C. Liberal candidate in the Surrey South seat that had become vacant when B.C. Liberal incumbent Stephanie Cadieux resigned her seat to become Canada’s first Chief Accessibility Officer.

Throughout the Surrey-South by-election period, Kevin Falcon continued his meetings with members of the B.C. Liberal caucus, one of whom was former B.C. Liberal Environment Minister, John Rustad, who had represented the northern riding of Nechako Lakes (Prince George-Omineca; 2005–2009) since 2005.

Kevin Falcon was astounded to find John Rustad was fundamentally opposed to the “new direction” of the B.C. Liberal party under Mr. Falcon’s leadership, that he disagreed with welcoming members of the LGBTQ community, that Mr. Rustad was vehemently opposed to the non-mandatory SOGI 123 (Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity) programme that had been implemented by the Christy Clark government in 2015, that Mr. Rustad felt climate change was a hoax, that he was a supporter of the anti-vaxx community, and adhered to any number of QAnon conspiracy theories, including wireless 5G as a root cause of COVID, a “theory” recently espoused by current B.C. Conservative candidate for Prince George-Mackenzie, Rachael Weber,  who was caught amplifying online conspiracy theories that 5G wireless networks are “genocidal weapons” and spread the coronavirus.

In a 2021 Facebook post, Ms. Weber voiced concerns about “microchips,” cashless payments and the threat of “total government dependency / control” by saying “the anti-Christ comes before the rapture.

As B.C. Conservative party leader, John Rustad has not disavowed Ms. Weber’s inflammatory comments, past or present, attributing calls for her removal as a candidate as a function of “culture wars.” Ms. Weber remains the B.C. Conservative candidate for Prince George-Mackenzie.

In posts on both Facebook and Twitter, Rustad shared a graphic and post arguing that people had been “hoodwinked” by climate change science and they should be glad CO2 is being emitted into the atmosphere.

In response, Kevin Falcon distanced himself from Rustad’s stance.

Long story short, on August 18, 2022, Kevin Falcon removed John Rustad from the B.C. Liberal caucus for boosting a social media post casting doubt on climate change science and urging people to “celebrate CO2.”

Ms. Sturko won the Surrey South seat with 52% of the vote, in a decisive victory over the B.C. NDP’s Pauline Greaves, receiving 5,568 of the 10,742 votes cast.


Elenore Sturko, and B.C. Liberal party leader, Kevin Falcon, celebrate Ms. Sturko’s landslide win

Sadly, Kevin Falcon’s jubilation at Ms. Sturko’s win was relatively short-lived.

On Friday, March 31st, 2023, John Rustad became leader of the B.C. Conservative party, and the rest is — as they say —  history.

As BK Anderson, in a Facebook comment on a VanRamblings post earlier in the week, writes: Kevin Falcon — a man of conscience, a visionary leader, a good man who cares deeply for all the citizens of our province — in bringing the B.C. Liberal party into the 21st century, positioned the party as too liberal for many party members, such that the renamed B.C. Liberal party, now called B.C. United, has become a pale imitation of David Eby’s centrist B.C. New Democratic Party.

Put simply, there is no sunlight between the B.C. United and BC NDP positions on the social and cultural issues in our province — unlike John Rustad’s regressive, antediluvian B.C. Conservative Party. Not for the good and progressive Kevin Falcon, the Trump-like culture wars that have plagued American politics, since Donald Trump’s marginal victory to become U.S. President in November 2016.

Rather than fight the ‘no win’ culture wars that have sewn division across the vast range of states in our neighbour to the south — the ground where B.C. Conservative leader, John Rustad, seems to want to fight the coming provincial election — Kevin Falcon is instead mounting a dynamic campaign of renewal, based on economic policy, towards building a better and more vibrant full employment economy, a stronger and better funded public education system, a renewed health care system where emergency room closures will be a phenomenon of the past, a democratic party where the voices of British Columbians from across of province will be heard, where job number one will be to ensure the construction of 100,000 new homes in the coming term of government.

Tomorrow on VanRamblings, we’ll conclude our four-part series on Kevin Falcon and the B.C. United party, with how Mr. Falcon intends to fight the coming provincial election campaign — set to get underway on Saturday, September 21st — and how B.C. United will fight the regressive forces of John Rustad’s out of touch B.C. Conservative party, so that his children — and all the children across our province — might grow up to adulthood to raise their own families, secure in a province where clean air, a vibrant public education system, and a full employment prosperity economy — where parents can earn a decent wage in order to care for the needs of their children — will cause all who reside within our province to thrive.