#VIFF24 | VanRamblings’ Vancouver International Film Festival Column

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The 43rd Annual Vancouver International Film Festival

Since opening in 1981, with a handful of films in just one theatre — the lost and lamented Ridge Theatre, at 16th and Arbutus — the Vancouver International Film Festival has taken on a vital role for local filmmakers and film lovers.

As it celebrates its 43rd anniversary this year, today VanRamblings will provide insight into the award-winning films that will screen at VIFF this year, as well as provide information on this year’s venues, ticket acquisition, and more.

With 150 feature films running over 11 days, although VIFF 2024 isn’t as complex as once was the case — as it runs from September 26th thru October 6th, it’s now shorter than the 16 day length it maintained for many years — navigating the sprawling festival can still be a little daunting.

VIFF is best approached like a multi-country overseas vacation: with pre-planning, and lots of it.

What movies to choose?

On viff.org , you’ll find films organized by programme (Showcase, Panorama, Vanguard, Northern Lights, Insights, Spectrum, Portrait and Altered States) by country of origin, by genre, and  by director. See what intrigues you!

Also, check to see which films have a guest attending (noted on each film’s individual page), which might mean an interesting Q&A.

You can also peruse the hard copy VIFF guide, which will soon be available at your favourite local bookstore, at regional and neighbourhood libraries and the nine venues where films will be screened, as well as at coffee shops across the Metro Vancouver region. Note should be made that the most accurate and up-to-date  information about guests is available online only.

Award-Winning Must-See Films

(Underlined titles of films link to the VIFF page for the film, which will provide you with more information on the film, as well as allow you the opportunity to buy tickets for the film, if you’re of a mind to do so).

Anora. Sean Baker’s Anora won the Palme d’Or at Cannes, in the director’s most searing and shattering film yet, with a breakout performance from Mikey Madison. Not to mention, a thoroughly fun and provocative time at the movies.

All We Imagine as Light. Grand Prix winner, Cannes 2024. IndieWire’s Anne Thompson says this film is her favourite this year, as she exclaims: “All We Imagine is an exquisite, spellbindingly hypnotic, a poignantly lyrical film that transcends form and style, full of enriching humanity and gentleness, joy and sadness and languorous eroticism, with a captivating beauty rarely seen on film.”

The Seed of the Sacred Fig. Iranian director Mohammad Rasoulof’s Special Jury and FIPRESCI Prize winner at Cannes offers a mesmerizingly gripping parable in which paranoia, misogyny and rage of the Iranian state are mapped seamlessly onto an ordinary family unit.

Conclave. Oscar nominees Ralph Fiennes and Stanley Tucci lead a brilliant ensemble cast in All Quiet on the Western Front director Edward Berger’s adaption of Robert Harris’ high-stakes drama, in which Cardinals gather at the Vatican to elect a new Pope, the film emerging as a psychologically complex morality tale.

The End. Tilda Swinton and Michael Shannon sing for their lives in Joshua Oppenheimer’s post-apocalyptic musical, with the director offering a staggering meditation on how we live with ourselves at the end of the world.

No Other Land. Best Documentary Award, Berlin 2024. A vital and wrenching documentary about Israel’s often barbaric efforts to expel a Palestinian community, co-directed by a collective of Israeli and Palestinian filmmakers, No Other Land offers a ground-level view of an occupation in action.

How and where do I buy tickets?

The easiest way to purchase tickets is to go online to viff.org, put the name of the film you’re interested in in the search engine, and click on Buy — from there it’s easy, allowing you to print your tickets at home. Or, you can call the Festival Infoline at 604-683-3456 from noon til 6 p.m. daily through October 6th. (Online is quicker.) Note that there is a service charge for online and phone orders: $1 per single ticket, up to $8 per order.

Required by the provincial government (because VIFF films screen unrated) you’ll need to purchase a one-time $2 VIFF membership.

Tickets can be purchased at the venues, as well, during operating hours. As of September 26th, all festival venues (VIFF Centre, The Chan Centre for Performing Arts, The Cinematheque, Fifth Avenue Cinemas, Cineplex International Village, The Orpheum, The Rio Theatre, SFU Goldcorp, and The Vancouver Playhouse) will have a box office open daily, one hour before the day’s first screening.

How early do I have to show up?

If you’re picky about where you sit, the earlier the better: An hour isn’t too early for a film that’s popular. But even if you don’t mind being in the back (or front) row, show up at least 15 minutes before showtime: At the 10-minute mark, unoccupied seats are counted and sold to those in the standby line.

What line do I stand in?

Each VIFF screening will have three separate queues: a pass-holder line (for those with passes hanging around their necks), a ticket-holders line (for those with tickets in hand) and a rush line. Standby tickets, for screenings that are sold out, go on sale 10 minutes before showtime, at full price.

Stand in the wrong line at your peril. (There will be signage, and helpful VIFF volunteers in VIFF T-shirts, if you’re confused.)

Can I bring my lunch?

Technically, no; VIFF venues do not allow outside food. Theoretically, yes, if you’re discreet about it. (Or just eat while waiting in line.)

Can I save a seat for a friend?

If you’re saving a seat at a sold-out screening, you might be asked to relinquish it if your friend is late, so tell them not to be.

What about bus routes and parking?

Translink / Coast Mountain buses are the best way to get around, although most of the venues are within walking distance of one another. Skytrain will whisk you to The Rio in no time flat. There’s parking at Cineplex International Village, but you’re going to want to check in with Festival staff (they’ll be wearing bright yellow VIFF T-shirts) to register your vehicle.

What about crowds?

There will be crowds, particularly at the better-known films; not a lot you can do about that. Maybe you’ll meet somebody nice in line; it happens often. Weekday screenings generally have shorter lines, particularly for less well-known films.

#BCPoli | Polarization A Defining Feature in B.C.’s Upcoming Election

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B.C. Premier David Eby has attacked the B.C. Conservatives over abortion, race and gender identity. B.C. Conservative Leader John Rustad has been critical of Eby and the ‘radical NDP.’ | Photo: CBC.

On Tuesday evening, those who tuned into the contentious Kamala Harris-Donald Trump debate on ABC-TV witnessed the division and polarization that has come to frame realpolitik in the United States, and an ever more impactful defining feature of American politics over the past eight years, since Donald Trump first came down the elevator at New York City’s Trump Tower in 2015 to announce his Presidential bid to secure the Republican Party nomination.

If polarization and division have become a defining feature of American politics, in the 2024 British Columbia provincial election, with an alt-right / far right, climate change skeptical Conservative Party of British Columbia emerging as a serious contender for government over the current centre-left B.C. New Democratic Party government led by Premier David Eby, this year’s provincial election is poised to be one of the most contentious in the province’s history.

The deep polarization between the B.C. New Democrats and the B.C. Conservatives reflects a broader national and global trend, with political forces on the left and far right dominating the discourse.

The NDP is often seen as a left-leaning, socialist party, while the B.C. Conservatives, as we say above, have gained a reputation for being alt-right or far right, especially on social issues.

As both parties position themselves on opposite ends of the political spectrum, the rhetoric, contentious statements, and ideological battles between them have intensified, creating an atmosphere of division.

Polarization in British Columbia Politics

British Columbia has long been a politically diverse province, with both urban and rural areas reflecting distinct priorities and values.

Traditionally, the province has seen competition between the NDP, representing progressive, labour-oriented interests, and the B.C. Liberals, a more centrist / centre-right party. However, the resurgence of the B.C. Conservatives the last couple of years, combined with the decline of the B.C. Liberals / B.C. United, has created a new dynamic.

The NDP has consolidated its hold on progressive voters, while the Conservatives have catered to socially conservative and populist sentiments, giving rise to a polarized political landscape.

The B.C. NDP, under Premier David Eby, champions policies focused on climate action, the construction of affordable housing for various economic stratas, public transportation, social welfare programmes, and expanding public services.


A B.C. Conservative Party government would walk away from the province’s commitment to protect 30% of British Columbia’s wilderness land base by 2030, says party leader John Rustad .

These priorities resonate with urban voters, particularly in Vancouver and other metropolitan areas.

The NDP’s approach to addressing issues like affordable housing, health care, and environmental sustainability has been lauded by progressives but criticized by opponents as being overly ambitious and fiscally irresponsible.

On the other side, the B.C. Conservatives have positioned themselves as defenders of traditional values — for instance, the province’s SOGI 123 programme, which protects the interests of LGBTQ students — and individual freedoms.

The B.C. Conservative Party has gained traction among rural voters and those disillusioned with the political establishment.

With rhetoric that often borders on populism, the B.C. Conservatives, under the leadership of John Rustad, have campaigned on issues like opposing carbon taxes, promoting resource extraction, and resisting what they view as “woke” progressive policies, including LGBTQ+ rights and climate change initiatives.

This sharp ideological division has made co-operation and compromise between the two parties seem increasingly unlikely.

Contentious Statements from the B.C. NDP and B.C. Conservatives

Both current British Columbia political parties have made highly charged statements about one another, fueling the perception that this election is about more than just policy — it’s a battle over the future direction of the province.

The following was tweeted out by a retiring B.C. United MLA …

The B.C. NDP has painted the B.C. Conservatives as being out of touch with modern British Columbia, accusing them of aligning with far-right extremism.

Premier Eby and his colleagues have criticized the B.C. Conservatives for their stance on climate change, with NDP officials often labeling them as “climate change deniers” and suggesting that their policies would set the province back decades in the fight against global warming.

Furthermore, the B.C. NDP has accused the B.C. Conservatives of being hostile to diversity and inclusion, particularly regarding LGBTQ+ rights, with some NDP members framing the B.C. Conservative agenda as “regressive” and “intolerant.”

In response, the B.C. Conservatives have launched attacks on the NDP, framing the ruling party as being out of step with the needs of ordinary British Columbians.

B.C. Conservatives have characterized the NDP’s policies as “socialist overreach,” arguing the government is infringing on individual freedoms and burdening taxpayers with excessive regulations and taxes.

The B.C. Conservatives have taken aim at the NDP’s environmental policies, particularly the implementation of carbon taxes and clean energy initiatives, which they argue hurt the economy and disproportionately affect rural communities dependent on resource industries.

The B.C. Conservative Party leadership has also criticized the NDP for what they see as pandering to special interest groups, claiming the government is more focused on identity politics than on addressing inflation, crime, and economic growth.

As such, the B.C. Conservatives have taken a page out of Donald Trump’s MAGA Republican playbook, which has proved successful in the United States. We’ll have to wait until the evening of Saturday, October 19th to see whether the Trump-like B.C. Conservative electoral strategy bears fruit at the polls, and allows them to form government.

The 2024 B.C. Election May Become The Most Contentious On Record

Several factors make the upcoming election in British Columbia particularly contentious. First, the ideological gulf between the B.C. NDP and the B.C. Conservatives is wider than ever.

While previous elections in the province have often involved debates over centrist policies, this election is shaping up to be a choice between two starkly different visions for the future. On one side is the NDP’s progressive, environmentally conscious, and socially inclusive platform, and on the other is the B.C. Conservatives’ economically libertarian, socially conservative, and resource-focused agenda.

Second, the stakes are high for both parties.

The B.C. NDP is seeking a mandate to continue its transformative policies, particularly around climate action and social justice, while the B.C. Conservatives are eager to capitalize on voter discontent.

For many voters, the upcoming election is about more than just political leadership — it’s about the soul of British Columbia itself.

Urban voters, particularly in Vancouver and Victoria, may see the election as a referendum on progressive policies, while rural voters view it as a chance to push back against what they perceive as an out-of-touch government.

Broader national & global trends are influencing B.C.’s upcoming election

Across Canada and other Western democracies, political polarization has increased, with far-right and far-left parties gaining ground as centrist parties struggle to maintain relevance.

In British Columbia, this trend is magnified by the province’s unique political landscape, where environmental concerns and social issues intersect with a resource-based economy.

With the B.C. Liberals / B.C. United Party having abandoned its bid for government, the resulting fight between the B.C. NDP and the B.C. Conservatives represents a new era in provincial politics, one where compromise seems unlikely, with the stakes being higher than ever.

As the election approaches — the Writ will be dropped on Saturday, September 21st, at which time the election will be officially underway — the rhetoric between the two parties is intensifying, with each accusing the other of being out of touch with the province’s needs.

With so much at stake — climate action, housing, economic development, social justice, and the future direction of British Columbia — B.C.’s upcoming election is likely to prove to be a pivotal moment in the province’s social and economic history, setting the stage for B.C.’s political trajectory for years to come.

#BCPoli | An Alternative Perspective on Election ’24 | The Hotel Pacifico

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Today on VanRamblings, a departure from our usual ramblings, and instead an interview with Premier David Eby, conducted by the folks at Air Quotes Media’s Hotel Pacifico podcast, the inimitable and skilled purveyors of all things British Columbia politics: former 2013 Christy Clark B.C. Liberal campaign manager, Mike McDonald; former Globe and Mail B.C. Legislative reporter, Kate Hammer; and Geoff Meggs, the former Chief of Staff to BC NDP Premier, John Horgan.

On their most recent edition of Hotel Pacifico, the co-hosts of British Columbia’s most informed political podcast hold Premier David Eby’s feet to the fire, for a good half hour, the remainder of the hour-long podcast dedicated to informed punditry on all of the issues that will impact on the 2024 B.C. provincial election.

Next week, the derring pundit trio introduce B.C. Conservative Party leader John Rustad to their listeners, and all of us folks with a passing interest in politics.


Hotel Pacifico podcast hosts / pundits extraordinaire: Mike McDonald, Kate Hammer and Geoff Meggs

Note should be made before we get to Hotel Pacifico’s David Eby interview that Mr. Macdonald, Ms. Hammer and Mr. Meggs will broadcast daily, Monday to Friday, for 18 consecutive weekdays beginning Monday, September 23rd (two days after the Writ is dropped) in the lead up to the October 19th election, on the machinations of the 28-day B.C. campaign for government, a must-watch, must-listen-to (the podcast available on YouTube, and your favourite Apple or other podcast app, as well as on Spotify and other media platforms) endeavour.


The Hotel Pacifico hosts’ podcast interview with B.C. New Democratic Party Premier, David Eby.

#BCPoli | BC NDP Will Implement a Dignified Province-Wide Supportive Housing Agenda

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In British Columbia, Single Room Occupancy (SRO) units have long served as a last resort for many of the province’s most vulnerable individuals, including low-income residents, those with mental health challenges, and people grappling with homelessness.

However, these aging, often dilapidated buildings are increasingly unfit for human habitation. As such, there is an urgent need for the British Columbia government to transition vulnerable populations out of rundown SROs in Vancouver, Victoria and elsewhere, toward sustainable, supportive housing models.

By providing care similar to the successful systems used in European countries like Finland, B.C. can address the root causes of homelessness, poverty, and social marginalization while promoting long-term well-being and social integration.

In a 2022 interview with B.C. Legislative reporter Katie DeRosa, then with the Vancouver Sun and now in the same role with the CBC, B.C.’s New Democratic Party Attorney General and Minister Responsible for Housing, David Eby — who was running to replace Premier John Horgan, who had resigned as Premier for health reasons, as leader of the BC NDP — had the following to say about the need for government to provide dignified supportive housing for members of British Columbia’s vulnerable populations living in communities across the province, and move these abandoned individuals out of rundown SROs …

Premier David Eby addresses need to transition people out of SROs

“There really hasn’t been a co-ordinated strategy or a plan about how we get out of the problems of Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, Victoria and elsewhere. I think … putting an invisible fence around neighbourhoods and saying ‘this is the best we can do’ and just hope that things work out, it’s a strategy that will no longer carry us forward.” Eby said if he’s successful in his bid to replace Premier John Horgan … he’ll co-ordinate a long-term response to homelessness issues across the province, with the support and assistance from the federal government, our province’s towns and cities, and concerned groups.

In point of fact, Premier David Eby has committed to just that, copying the Finnish model that provides supported and affordable housing.

Juha Kaakinen, Finnish CEO of the Y-Foundation, providing low-cost housing to the homeless

“We had to get rid of the night shelters and short-term hostels we still had back then. They had a very long history in Finland, and everyone could see they were not getting people out of homelessness. We decided to reverse the assumptions,” says Juha Kaakinen, CEO of Finland’s Y-Foundation, which provides low-cost flats to homeless people across Finland.

The Deplorable Conditions of SROs

SROs, originally constructed as affordable housing for the working class, have deteriorated significantly over the decades. Many SRO units in cities like Vancouver, Victoria and Kelowna are plagued by chronic disrepair, pest infestations, poor heating and ventilation systems, inadequate plumbing, and a lack of basic sanitation. These environments are not only uncomfortable but dangerous, often exacerbating the mental and physical health challenges faced by their residents.

Research shows a strong correlation between poor living conditions and poor health outcomes, including increased rates of addiction, infectious diseases, and mental health crises. Furthermore, many SRO buildings are located in areas with high crime rates, compounding the risks for residents already facing social vulnerabilities. In essence, SROs have become a symbol of the failure to provide adequate housing and services to the people who need them most. Moving vulnerable individuals out of these dangerous environments is not only a moral imperative, but also a matter of public health and safety.

The Case for Supportive Housing

Supportive housing offers a more sustainable solution to the complex needs of the vulnerable populations currently residing in SROs. Unlike SROs, which often serve as temporary, stop-gap measures, supportive housing provides stable, permanent accommodations where individuals have access to social, medical, and psychological services on-site. This model addresses not only the need for safe and secure housing but also the underlying issues that contribute to homelessness and instability, such as mental health disorders, addiction, and unemployment.


The Globe and Mail’s Kerry Gold on how Finland is solving the problem of homelessness.

In European countries like Finland and Austria, supportive housing has proven to be remarkably successful. Finland, for instance, has implemented the “Housing First” model, which provides stable housing to homeless individuals as the first step toward addressing other social issues. This approach has reduced homelessness by over 50% since its introduction in 2008, with most formerly homeless individuals remaining housed long-term. Austria follows a similar model with an emphasis on affordable, long-term housing paired with social services, which has also led to positive outcomes for at-risk populations.

For B.C., adopting a comparable approach would mean transitioning away from crisis management in the form of emergency shelters or rundown SROs and toward long-term solutions that focus on stability, health, and empowerment.

Supportive housing projects, when coupled with services such as healthcare, employment training, and mental health support, help individuals reintegrate into society, reduce their dependence on public services, and lead more fulfilling lives.

Note should be made that Premier David Eby’s government alone has a long term strategy — that they have committed to implement in their next term of government —  to transition members of our vulnerable population out of rundown SROs and substandard accommodation into supportive housing

Cost Efficiency and Long-Term Benefits of Building Supportive Housing

One of the most compelling arguments for supportive housing is its cost-effectiveness. Studies from both Europe and North America demonstrate that investing in supportive housing ultimately saves governments money in the long run. Homelessness and inadequate housing impose significant costs on public systems, including healthcare, law enforcement, and emergency services.

For instance, individuals living on the streets or in unstable environments are more likely to require emergency medical attention, experience police interactions, or become involved in the criminal justice system. In contrast, when people are find safe haven and community in supportive housing, they use fewer emergency services and are better able to manage chronic health conditions, or avoid encounters with law enforcement. Finland’s Housing First model has shown that for every dollar spent on housing and support, the government saves approximately $2 in costs related to homelessness.

B.C., with its high cost of living and significant homeless population, faces similar challenges. Building and maintaining supportive housing units may initially require significant investment, but it will result in long-term savings by reducing strain on public health, criminal justice, and social services systems. Moreover, the social and economic benefits of helping individuals regain stability, employment, and health far outweigh the upfront costs.

In a government publication titled Lost in Transition, the cost of construction of thousands of supportive housing units would be made possible in part by the savings that would accrue from merging the 277 social services agencies on the DTES into 30 umbrella organizations.

Each of the 277 social agencies employs an Executive Director — at an average annual salary of $500,000 — Directors of Finance, Directors of Human Resources, Managers of Supported Housing, Property Managers and other senior administrative staff — each of these 247 individuals earning up to $375,000 annually — a duplication of services and administration funded by the province, Merging agencies would save more than $1 billion dollars annually that would helo to pay for the cost of building supportive housing on the DTES, and across the province.

The Lost in Transition report questioned if such duplication of services properly serves the interests of those who are resident, and cared for, on the DTES.

There was also recommendation in the Lost in Transition report that argued for the provincial appointment of a Commissioner who would oversee the reformation of the provision of services on the DTES, a person with the authority of a Deputy Minister who would report only to a provincially appointed Board of Directors, which would oversee the transition of the current service model, reporting as well as to the office of the Premier.

A Moral and Social Imperative of Providing Dignified Supportive Housing


Eby government planning to take co-ordination of housing provision for B.C.’s most vulnerable citizens

Finally, there’s a moral dimension to the issue.

In a society as wealthy and resource-rich as British Columbia, allowing vulnerable members of our population to languish in unsafe, unsanitary SRO units reflects poorly on social priorities.

The government has a responsibility — a responsibility recognized by those within the B.C.  New Democrat government — to protect its most vulnerable citizens, ensuring that these individuals have access to the basic necessities of life, including safe housing, healthcare, and social support.

Housing is not just a commodity; it is a human right.

By moving away from the outdated, harmful practice of relying on SROs & instead investing in supportive housing, B.C. can take a meaningful step toward ending homelessness and improving the quality of life for our most marginalized citizens.

Relocating vulnerable populations out of rundown SROs and into supportive housing is not just a practical solution; it is an ethical and economic necessity.

In adopting the supportive housing model, British Columbia can — and will, with the re-election of an NDP government — address homelessness more effectively, reduce the long-term social, moral and medical costs associated with inadequate housing, while promoting a more inclusive and caring society.

The time to act is now, with the re-election of a David Eby-led government.

The benefits of the B.C. New Democrats’ approach to building dignified housing for our most vulnerable population will be felt for generations to come.