Category Archives: Pop Culture

#BCPoli | B.C. NDP Advertising Fails, and Necessary Remedies


B.C. NDP ads that have not resonated with a public anxious for change — whatever change might mean.

The 2024 provincial election in British Columbia is proving to be a pivotal moment for the British Columbia New Democratic Party (B.C. NDP), as they seek to retain power under the goal-directed, activist leadership of Premier David Eby.

However, their campaign ads have faced criticism for failing to connect with the electorate, especially at a time when voters are deeply concerned about housing, inflation, and health care. As British Columbians head to the polls, with advance voting already underway, the B.C. NDP needs to urgently revamp their messaging to effectively counter the rising threat posed by the possible, and increasingly likely, election of a  B.C. Conservative Party majority government on October 19.


To access the “John Rustad is a career politician” British Columbia New Democratic Party ad click here.

One of the B.C. NDP ads that has been running almost continually since long before the actual campaign got underway on September 21st, is the “John Rustad is a career politician, with a history of costing you more,” an ad that has driven CHEK-TV / Business in Vancouver Legislative reporter Rob Shaw around the bend.

Rob Shaw is anxious to point out that Mike Farnworth, B.C.’s Minister of Public Safety and Solicitor General before dissolution of the Legislature, has served in the Legislature dating back to 1997, when then B.C. NDP Premier Glen Clark appointed Mr. Farnworth Minister of Municipal Affairs and Housing — a full eight years before Mr. Rustad entered the Legislature, as the MLA for Prince George–Omineca.

Where does the B.C. NDP get off, then, calling John Rustad a “career politician”?

One of the main critiques of the B.C. NDP’s 2024 campaign ads is that they have failed to boldly and effectively address the key concerns of voters across British Columbia, particularly around housing affordability and rent control.

Let’s take a look at the “rent cap” legislation brought in by populist, working class B.C. NDP Premier John Horgan in 2019, in response to a B.C. Rental Housing Task Force report, written by and presented to the Premier by B.C. NDP Member of the Legislature representing Vancouver-West End, Spencer Chandra Herbert.

Prior to January 2019, the rent increase formula was inflation plus two per cent.

Premier John Horgan told a full session of the Legislature in the spring of 2019 that rent increases of inflation plus two per cent was “simply not sustainable for renters, many of whom are on fixed incomes, to see their rent increase by more than inflation each and every year.” Premier Horgan then brought in legislation that capped rents at the rate of inflation that was passed by the House.

By far the number one concern that has been expressed to VanRamblings, in the lines we’ve waited in at this year’s 43rd edition of the Vancouver International Film Festival, on the street when we’ve run into friends, or in coffee shops around town is the proposal of B.C. Conservative Party leader John Rustad to remove rent caps that he considers to be a burden to landlords.

One longtime friend and professional associate told VanRamblings the following:

“For the past 25 years, I have lived in an apartment in Burnaby, where the rent has gone up most years. Even so, thanks to the NDP’s rent cap legislation — given how out of control the rental market has become in recent years — my rent is still an affordable $850 per month, given my long tenure. The resident who recently moved into the apartment next door to me pays the market rent for his apartment of $1575 a month. Should John Rustad revoke the NDP’s rent cap legislation, I expect that my rent will go up 10% a year until I am paying more than double what I’m paying now, as the landlord increases my rent to the market rate. I don’t know what I’d do in such a circumstance. I’d be in dire, unconscionable straits, and would have to consider moving out of town.”

The story above is writ large across the entire province of British Columbia, as 600,000 renters would find themselves in the same dire circumstance as my friend.

The response of the B.C. NDP “not on your side government” to the egregious circumstance that will befall renters should a John Rustad-led Conservative Party be elected to government:  a namby-pamby ad that glosses over the rent cap removal topic, underplaying its impact — if it addresses the consequences of the rent cap removal (which it utterly fails to do) at all — should John Rustad’s commitment to the landlord class — over renters — come to pass post the October 19th election.

That’s our David Eby for ya.

Playing it right down the middle, doesn’t want to appear too radical, doesn’t want to upset landlords — heaven forbid! — while he leaves hundreds of thousands of renters to hang out to dry. Mr. Eby: you are going to have to decide whose side you’re on: the landlord class, or all those British Columbians who pay rent.

What’s it gonna be, sir?

The B.C. New Democrats, with a little more than two weeks to go before Election Day, are going to have to decide whose side they’re on, in a way their lacklustre campaign has utterly failed to do as the 2024 provincial election has unfolded.

Enough with those ineffectual ads the B.C. NDP have run the first two weeks of the campaign, ads that woefully ill serve the interests of potential B.C. NDP voters.

What the B.C. NDP must do: run saturation ads featuring British Columbians from across the province, addressing in stark terms the impact that removal of the rent cap will have on their family: British Columbians in every region of the province, British Columbians in every age and cultural demographic, real “live” human beings — you know, the British Columbians the B.C. NDP campaign has steadfastly ignored to date. Stop with this arrogant, condescending top-down nonsense.

Does the B.C. NDP brain trust not see how wildly effective the ads are that are being run by the Democratic Party in Washington state, just below our border, ads that really resonate, ads that always, always, always feature Washingtonians warning their fellow citizens about the perils that would occur should Republicans be elected to lead state government? Why are we not seeing those kinds of ads here?

Let’s hear from real British Columbians — not an anonymous voice over in an ad.

All ads to be run by the B.C. New Democrats in the final two weeks of the campaign must feature British Columbians warning their fellow citizens on what a John Rustad government would mean to the quality of their lives, and their children’s lives, covering a range of topics: climate change — which Mr. Rustad effectively denies, John Rustad’s plans to ban books in public schools to stop what he considers to be “indoctrination” by teachers, the revocation of the SOGI 123 legislation that protects vulnerable tweens and teens enrolled in our public education system, a John Rustad-led government that would not build affordable housing co-ops on Crown land as proposed by David Eby’s NDP government, and so very much more.

Make no mistake: vulnerable British Columbians are going to die, who otherwise might live, should John Rustad be elected to government come October 19th.

That is a message that will resonate with voters, if told properly and bluntly.

#SundayMusic | Top 100 Albums | Gemma Hayes | 2002’s ‘Night on My Side’

Gemma Hayes has more than the night on her side.

Born in the tiny village of Ballyporeen in Ireland’s Tipperary county, Hayes leaned on music and poetry from an early age to combat the inevitable feelings of small-town isolation. While she relocated to Dublin to attend the city’s University College following her stint at boarding school, she ultimately abandoned her studies to focus squarely on her true life’s calling to write and perform songs.

Hayes soon became a turn of the century staple in the raucous Dublin music scene, and her steadfast devotion to her craft was rewarded when Source Records signed her to a recording contract in 2001.


Gemma Hayes’ EP 4:35am, released in 2001. This is the title song.

A pair of extended play releases followed before the year was over, with the fragile acoustics of 4:35am and Work To A Calm setting the stage for the arrival of her début album in her native Ireland and the UK in May of 2002.

Recorded at the famed Tarbox Road Studios in Western New York State, Night On My Side was produced by acclaimed soundsmith, Mercury Rev co-founder and Tarbox proprietor Dave Fridmann (The Flaming Lips, Luna, Sleater-Kinney), with co-production duties handled by Dave Odlum who has helmed the boards for Hayes’ last three albums.

Harnessing inspiration from the likes of My Bloody Valentine and PJ Harvey, among other influences, Hayes’ inaugural LP unfurled as a dynamic dichotomy of sounds, all underpinned by her reassuring, hypnotic vocals and heart-laid-bare introspection devoid of pretense.

With the release of 2002’s Night on My Side, Fridmann blended 4:35am’s acoustica with, well, noise, as he set about to layer Hayes’ melodic sonic texture, filling the nooks and crannies of her songs with intriguing swirls.

While a handful of standout tracks are stormers awash in multi-layered, enveloping sonic dissonance, it is their juxtaposition with the sparser, acoustic compositions that produces a gorgeous mélange of melodies, tones and flourishes that can’t help but seduce the listener’s sensibilities with each subsequent listen.


Day One, the lead-off song on Gemma Hayes’ Night on My Side

Night on My Side opens with the dreamy intro Day One that quickly enchants you with its soothing melody, but before you know it you’re given a wake up call with the first single off the album, Hanging Around. Full of juicy guitar riffs and a great chorus its a cool n’ catchy pop song.


Over and Over, from Gemma Hayes’ 2002 début LP, Night on My Side.

And so, after the first two tracks, you’re given a clear idea of what to expect for the rest of the album. There are the softly spoken acoustic guitar songs that can transfix you with their beauty, as with the gorgeously well-wrought Over and Over, the harmonizing strings just make the song for me totally. Wait until you hear them, it feels like giving your brain a sonic bath. This song maked me think of comparisons to PJ Harvey; it’s more apparent in the way she sings some of the lines.


Ran for Miles. Gemma Hayes | Night on My Side. Far and away, my favourite song on the album.

Then there’s my favourite song on the album, which kept me alive in 2002.

Ran for Miles. I don’t know how Dave Fridman did it, but he managed to make something as simple as a bass drum beat totally blow me away. It hits me every time. The song is another of the more acoustic songs from the album and it is simply outstanding. I used to run from Jericho Beach through Locarno Beach towards Spanish Banks East, full speed until I collapsed onto the grass, a testament to the fact that I was still alive — if barely, as I struggled to catch my breath — that I still existed on this planet, that my too often fragile health — both physical and mental — remained as strong and vibrant as was necessary.


Tear on My Side. Another rocker on Gemma Hayes’ Night on My Side.

There are the indie rock songs like Tear in My Side that will force your head to nod, your legs to tap and your mouth to smile. Every part of this song makes me want to sigh in that life-is-great-the-sun-is-shining kind of way. The chorus. The second verse when the male harmony comes in. The middle eight.


What A Day | Gemma Hayes | Night on My Side.

There is, of course, the exception to the rule; What A Day is guitar free. In their place are electronic beats and synthesised vocals that echo around your head.


Let A Good Thing Go | Gemma Hayes | Night on My Side.

Let A Good Thing Go, the final track on the album, arguably rocks hardest on the album, with thrashing, discordant guitars and a fevered percussion soundtracking of Hayes’ examination of romantic stagnation and the harbouring of regret. The memorable guitar riff is sure to stick in your mind for hours after hearing the song, which is exactly what a great song should do, this song a counterpoint to the more delicate acoustic songs on the album.

The album’s more subdued songs may not keep your heart racing and ears buzzing to the extent that many of the albums louder tracks do, but what they lack in frenetic energy, they more than make up for by way of their emotional resonance.

Not to mention, Hayes’ crystalline vocals and confessional lyrics are elevated to the forefront, allowing her raw vulnerability to shine through, rather than being overpowered by a dense wall of sound.

First and foremost, the Irish singer-guitarist has a gorgeous, sultry and hypnotically intoxicating voice that bridges melancholy fragility and emotional intensity in a manner that evokes comparison to Joni Mitchell and Beth Orton.

Secondly, Gemma Hayes puts it to work in the service of songs that mix a sort of strummy introspective folktronica with crunchy alt-pop songcraft.

And last but certainly not least, on her dozen-track Night On My Side début — which was released in 2002 in a slightly different, and I would say better form  in the UK (I ordered the much preferable British CD at the time, the layout of the songs more organic and listenable) from the album release in North America.

Final thought.

There’s an innocence about Night on My Side that’s like slow dancing at twilight, which most decidedly sets Night On My Side apart from all the rest.

#VIFF2024 | A Celebration of Global Cinema

The Vancouver International Film Festival (VIFF) is set to return for its 43rd edition in 2024 — September 26 thru October 6 — promising once again to bring together film enthusiasts, industry professionals, and storytellers from around the world.

Since its inception in 1981, VIFF has established itself as one of the most prestigious film festivals in North America, known for showcasing an eclectic mix of international cinema, Canadian talent, and innovative documentaries.

Held annually in one of Canada’s most cosmopolitan cities, VIFF is not just a film festival — it’s a cultural celebration that embraces global perspectives, storytelling, and cinematic innovation. With its innovative programming and commitment to discovering fresh voices, the always scintillating Vancouver International Film Festival remains a key destination for cinephiles seeking thought-provoking films.

Each year, VIFF brings a curated selection of films that have already made waves at some of the world’s most prestigious film festivals, including Sundance, Berlin, Tribeca, Telluride, Venice, and Toronto. These films arrive in Vancouver having received critical acclaim, awards, and audience recognition when they made their début earlier this year, making VIFF a key destination on the awards circuit, on the road to greater international exposure, and broader recognition, often concluding with Academy Award nominations and wins.

For the 2024 edition, several high-profile, award-winning films will make their way to Vancouver, having already garnered significant attention at earlier festivals.

Award Winning Films To Screen at VIFF 2024 | Part 3

Here are six more of the most anticipated films that will screen at VIFF 2024 (note: each highlighted film title, should you click on it, will take you to the VIFF page providing more detail on the film, allowing  you to purchase tickets for the film, too).

  • A Different Man. Silver Bear for Best Leading Performance. Berlin 2024. Aaron Schimberg, USA, 2024. By refracting Brian De Palma’s self-reflexiveness and the Coen brothers’ mordant fatalism through the prism of his most personal obsessions, Schimberg creates a house of mirrors so brilliant and complex that it becomes impossible to match any of his characters to their own reflections, and absolutely useless to reduce the movie around them to the stuff of moral instruction.

  • A Traveler’s Needs. Silver Bear Grand Jury Prize, Berlin 2024. Yeohaengjaui pilyo / 여행자의 필요. Hong Sangsoo, South Korea, 2024.  A Traveler’s Needs is just the tonic: a film that passes through you like a breath of fresh air. With an endearingly scatty, offhand performance from Isabelle Huppert that lends the proceedings a veil of comfy familiarity,  A Traveler’s Needs nonetheless finds the indefatigable Korean auteur at his most puckishly cryptic.

  • Black Dog. Un Certain Regard Prize, Cannes 2024. Gou Zhen / 狗阵. Guan Hu, China. Written by Hu and longtime collaborator Rui Ge, Black Dog embraces the same premise of countless a noir before it: a lone drifter comes home to start afresh, only to face the ghosts of his troubled past. What’s sensational about Hu’s latest is the way it undercuts that dread to land on an engrossing note that rings wholly, convincingly earned.

  • Dahomey. Golden Bear for Best Film, Berlin 2024. Mati Diop’s captivating, fabulistic documentary Dahomey confronts the reality of how modernity has been shaped by the West’s theft of cultural heritage. An invigorating, agile, cerebral, strange and enlivening film, an all at once captivating and rigorously intellectual film that will leave you with a mighty impression well beyond the film’s compact length.

  • Gloria!. Grand Jury Prize: Official Competition, Seattle 2024. With the possible exception of Tora! Tora! Tora!, any film with an exclamation point in the title should by rights be a spangly, full-scale musical. A frothy tale of warring classical music sensibilities in a Venetian girls’ refuge, Gloria! stops short of complete commitment to that rule — but it’s when it fully suspends reality for all-singing, all-stamping choral ecstasy that Margherita Vicario’s début is most exciting.

  • Holy Cow. Youth Award: Un Certain Regard, Cannes 2024. North American Première. The début feature of Louise Courvoisier, who also grew up on a farm in the Jura, Holy Cow is a small but likeable coming-of-age tale that reeks of dung, grilled sausages, sweat and diesel oil. Lovingly shot in warm natural light, and accompanied by a gentle, lilting soundtrack, Holy Cow is shot through with compassion for its rascally yet vulnerable protagonist, 18-year-old Totone (Clement Faveau), a mop-haired lad who just wants to have fun with his mates, get drunk and get laid. But then his father dies and he is left with a failing farm and a little sister to look after.

VIFF Award Winning Films | Part 1 (just click on the preceding link to access page)

VIFF Award Winning Films | Part 2 (just click on the preceding link to access page)

#BCPoli | The Impact of The Age of Grievance and Complaint Culture in 2024

The age of grievance and the culture of complaint have become defining features of contemporary political discourse in Canada and beyond.

In Frank Bruni’s The Age of Grievance, the New York Times’ Opinion columnist and Duke University professor, outlines how political figures have weaponized grievances to galvanize support, shift public sentiment, and redirect anger into votes.

This culture of dissatisfaction, cynicism, and victimhood has seeped into the Canadian political landscape, informing the strategies of major conservative figures, including Pierre Poilievre, the leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, and John Rustad, leader of the Conservative Party of British Columbia.

Understanding how this age of grievance shapes political campaigns is crucial to grasping the shifting nature of voter behaviour, particularly as it pertains to the rise of far-right or populist sentiments.

Pierre Poilievre and the Politics of Grievance

Poilievre has skillfully harnessed the culture of grievance as a key political strategy.

At the heart of Poilievre’s appeal is his ability to frame issues as part of a broader narrative where everyday Canadians have been wronged by government elites, bureaucrats, or a distant political class. By positioning himself as the voice of “common sense,” he taps into frustrations felt by many Canadians — whether it’s over affordability, housing, inflation, or perceived loss of personal freedoms.

Bruni’s The Age of Grievance highlights how figures like Poilievre manipulate these sentiments to create a sense of urgency.

Poilievre frequently paints a picture of a country under siege by wokeism, government overreach, and inflationary policies. He taps into a sense of national victimhood, where Canadian values and identity are under attack, positioning himself as the solution to restore these lost values. This isn’t merely a campaign tactic, but a broader effort to reshape Canadian political consciousness.

Bruni notes that “in a grievance-fueled culture, anger becomes the rallying cry, and solutions are often secondary to the preservation of outrage.”

This applies perfectly to Poilievre’s style.

His criticism of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s handling of the economy, energy policy, and pandemic restrictions follows a pattern of inflaming grievances rather than offering concrete, nuanced solutions. In doing so, Poilievre consolidates support not by offering optimism, but by fanning the flames of dissatisfaction.

British Columbia and the Politics of Complaint

In British Columbia, the age of grievance has similarly found fertile ground.

The current provincial election has become a battleground for competing narratives of grievance, with John Rustad of the BC Conservative Party emerging as a central figure exploiting this atmosphere for political gain.

British Columbia, a province often associated with progressive politics, has seen increasing polarization. The polarization between the BC New Democratic Party (NDP), which has governed for years, and rising conservative forces, such as Rustad’s BC Conservatives, reflects the influence of a growing culture of dissatisfaction. Voter frustration over affordability, housing crises, healthcare shortages, and environmental policies has coalesced into a broader sense of disillusionment with the political establishment.

Rustad’s campaign has capitalized on this sense of grievance, positioning his party as the “real alternative” to the governing NDP.

Rustad frames the government as “out-of-touch elites” who care more about woke policies, such as climate action, than about the daily struggles of British Columbians. In echoing Poilievre’s national campaign strategy, Rustad paints a picture of a province where citizens have been ignored and betrayed by the government. By presenting himself as the antidote to this betrayal, he has tapped into a well of voter dissatisfaction.

As Bruni notes, “leaders who exploit grievances do not seek resolution, but rather fuel the perception of perpetual crisis, ensuring that discontent becomes a permanent political currency.” Rustad’s campaign exemplifies this. He doesn’t offer a transformative vision for British Columbia but rather sustains a sense of crisis — over taxes, land use, or environmental regulations — that keeps grievances alive.

The Grievance Mindset and Populist Shift

The age of grievance has had a marked impact on voter behaviour, not only in British Columbia but across North America.

Many voters who feel alienated or left behind by the status quo are drawn to conservative or even far-right parties that exploit their frustrations. This is evident in how Rustad’s party, much like Poilievre’s federal campaign, attracts voters by offering simple answers to complex problems, such as opposing carbon taxes or claiming that crime and drug use are rampant due to “soft-on-crime” policies.

Bruni warns that in such a grievance-driven environment, “voters can be seduced by voices that promise a return to simpler times, even when those promises are illusory.” This has been true for British Columbia voters who, dissatisfied with the NDP’s handling of the housing crisis or healthcare system, may turn toward a party that doesn’t represent their best interests but resonates with their frustrations.

The age of grievance thus contributes to a political atmosphere where voters are more likely to make choices based on anger or cynicism rather than long-term policy benefits. This phenomenon explains why populist and even far-right movements, which exploit dissatisfaction but offer few concrete solutions, have gained traction even among voters who might otherwise support progressive policies.

David Eby and the Progressive Response

For David Eby and the British Columbia New Democratic Party, the challenge is how to counter this grievance-fueled narrative.

The key may lie in offering a vision of hope and forward-thinking solutions, rather than merely responding to grievances with defensive rhetoric. As Bruni suggests, “the antidote to grievance is not more grievance, but a reassertion of optimism and constructive action.”

Eby’s task is to convince voters that their frustrations — though real — are best addressed through thoughtful governance, rather than reactionary policies.

By focusing on housing, healthcare, and climate action, David Eby can remind voters that while grievances may persist, real solutions require sustained effort and collaboration. Moreover, Eby must highlight the dangers of grievance politics, pointing out that figures like Rustad are more interested in sustaining voter anger than in solving the province’s problems.

The age of grievance has become a dominant force in both federal and provincial politics in Canada. Conservative leaders like Pierre Poilievre and John Rustad have capitalized on this culture to galvanize support, while progressive parties like the B.C. New Democrats must find ways to navigate this political landscape without succumbing to the cynicism that defines it.

By offering solutions that go beyond complaint, leaders like David Eby can potentially counter the divisive forces that have emerged in this era of grievance-driven politics, and form government post Election Day, on Saturday, October 19th.